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Current Affairs: The facts about Cyprus issue
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The facts about Cyprus issue

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Topic: The facts about Cyprus issue
Posted By: Guests
Subject: The facts about Cyprus issue
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 06:26
Cyprus in the period 1571 - 1959
What happened in 1959 - 1960?
Why and how did the 1960 order collepse?
How did the Greek Cypriots persecute the Turks of Cyprus between 1963 - 1974?
How did the situation change after July 1974?
Where do the parties stand in terms of a negotiated settlement?
Why Greece and the Greek Cypriots do not want peace in the island?
Cyprus in the period 1571 - 1959
Cyprus which was ruled by different suzerains, but which never in its entire history came under Greek rule, was conquered by the Ottomans in 1571 and ruled by them until 1878. Under Ottoman rule the Turks and Greeks of Cyprus lived in peace and harmony, despite their differences in terms of ethnicity, religion, language, culture and communal traditions. Unlike the Venetians, who were the previous rulers of Cyprus, the Turks enabled the Greek Cypriot population to flourish in all fields. In 1878, Great Britain assumed the provisional administration of Cyprus. In 1914, when the Ottoman Empire entered the First World War, Cyprus was unilaterally annexed by Great Britain. Turkey formally recognized this annexation with the signing of the Peace Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.

Although the Turks and Greeks of Cyprus peacefully co-existed under the Ottoman Turkish administration, their relationship began to deteriorate following the take-over of the island by Great Britain. Under British rule, the Greek-Orthodox Church campaigned for the union of Cyprus with Greece (Enosis). Starting from the mid-1950s, this campaign was given support by Greece. EOKA was established as an underground terrorist organization to achieve this aim. Thus, the Enosis movement took a turn for violence, ostensibly against the British, but in fact with the objective of uniting the island with Greece. EOKA violence claimed British and Turkish Cypriot lives. From 1955 to 1958 Turkish Cypriots were driven away from mixed villages and their houses were burnt down. Greek and the Greek Cypriot coercion, killing and intimidation, however, failed to achieve its aims. Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots strongly opposed Enosis. Geopolitically, Cyprus was of great importance for the national security of Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots refused to accept Greek dominance and regarded Enosis as neo-colonialism. Britain, as the colonial power, also resisted Enosis and declared that the Turkish and Greek Cypriots were equally entitled to freely determine their own future. In the meantime, Greece made several attempts to exploit the UN as a means of realizing Enosis. However, the UN General Assembly did not support Greek demands designed to achieve annexation under the guise of self-determination, but urged a peaceful and just solution among the parties concerned.

What Happened in 1959 - 1960
After causing much suffering to achieve Enosis, the Greek government realized that neither Turkey or the Turkish Cypriot people, nor Great Britain or the UN would consent to the union of Cyprus with Greece. In shaping the destiny of Cyprus, a negotiated settlement remained to be the only way. In the late 1950s the world was undergoing rapid change and the colonies were becoming independent one after another. Britain expressed its readiness to transfer sovereignty jointly to the Turkish and Greek Cypriot peoples for the creation of an independent, partnership state in Cyprus. To achieve this, Britain insisted on retaining sovereign bases in Cyprus and safeguarding the rights of both Turkish and Greek Cypriots. Besides, Britain maintained that she should have the right to intervene along with Turkey and Greece, if there was an attempt to alter the agreed state of affairs.


Against this background, talks were initiated between the Turkish and Greek governments, with the knowledge of the two sides in Cyprus. These talks led to the Zurich Agreement of 1959 which soon afterwards was endorsed in London between five parties, namely, Turkey, Greece, United Kingdom, Dr. Kk on behalf of the Turkish Cypriot people, and Archbishop Makarios on behalf of the Greek Cypriot people. On this basis, the constitution of 1960 was negotiated and the Treaties of Guarantee, Alliance and Establishment were concluded. When the five-party Treaties were signed, Great Britain transferred sovereignty to the two peoples on the island. Thus, the Republic of Cyprus came into being as an independent partnership state.

These arrangements were based on the equality and partnership of the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots in the independence and the sovereignty of the island. The legitimacy of the 1960 partnership Republic lay in the joint presence and effective participation of both sides in all the organs of the state. Neither party had the right to rule the other, nor could one of the partners claim to be the government of the other. Basic articles of the constitution and the Treaties safeguarded the rights of the two equal peoples.

In addition to the internal balance thus created between the two constituent peoples of Cyprus, the Treaties also established an external balance between the two respective motherlands. In this connection, Turkey and Greece would not be able to obtain a more favorable political or economic position than the other over Cyprus. As part of these balances the 1960 Agreements prohibited the membership of Cyprus in any international organization or pacts of Alliance in which both Turkey and Greece were not members.

Enosis and partition were expressly prohibited. Since the two peoples had special and close ties with their motherlands, both Turkey and Greece were given the right to station military contingents in the island. Turkey, Britain and Greece undertook to guarantee this state of affairs. Finally, as a result of the Cyprus Agreements, Britain retained sovereignty over two military bases.


Why and How Did the 1960 Order Collapse?
As established in 1960, the Republic of Cyprus was not a unitary state but a political partnership. It was hoped that the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots, as the two peoples of the island and new partners, would be able to live peacefully together. But this expectation was not fulfilled. The Greek Cypriots and Greece did not give up their ambitions and designs. They regarded independence merely as a springboard for annexation of the island to Greece. The Greek Cypriot leadership continued to campaign for this "objective" and sought to unlawfully bring about constitutional amendments which would negate the partnership status of the Turkish Cypriots. This would clear the way for annexation by creating in effect a Greek Cypriot state, with a Turkish minority.

Since the pursuit of such goals were prohibited under the constitution and the guarantee system of 1960, they could only be achieved by defying and destroying the legitimate order. This meant the use of force to overtake the joint-State and to force the other partner into submission. Greek Cypriot and Greek designs and the use of force to achieve their unlawful aims led to the collapse of the partnership system. As a result of the Greek Cypriot armed attacks, the bi-national Republic, as envisaged in the international Treaties, ceased to exist in December 1963. The breakaway Greek Cypriot wing of the partnership state usurped the title of " Government of Cyprus". The Turkish Cypriots who never accepted this seizure of power, began to set up a Turkish Administration to run their own affairs.

How Did the Greek Cypriots Persecute the Turks of Cyprus Between 1963-1974?
Starting in December 1963, for the next eleven years the Turkish Cypriots had to seek survival in violent and traumatic conditions. Nearly 30.000

Turkish Cypriots who were forced out from their homes became refugees in enclaves which corresponded to a mere 3% of the territory of Cyprus. In these enclaves the Turkish Cypriot people lived under what the UN Secretary-General called, in his reports to the Security Council, "veritable siege", with no freedom of movement and deprived of basic necessities to survive.


The Greek Cypriots, with Greek military assistance, raided isolated Turkish villages and attacked the Turkish Cypriot quarters of the different towns. The armed campaign led to the destruction of 103 Turkish Cypriot villages along with all the mosques and holy places. Hundreds of Turkish Cypriots were murdered, wounded and taken as hostages. In the course of the violence that erupted in 1963, over 200 Turkish Cypriots went missing. Due to immense human suffering, thousands of Turkish Cypriots fled from the island. Those who managed to survive were deprived of their salaries, their land, and their other means of livelihood. The Security Council discussed the situation and decided to dispatch a UN peace-keeping force. This force which was stationed in the island in March 1964 could not however secure the return to normal conditions since power was already in the Greek Cypriot hands.

As part of the Enosis strategy, Greece had secretly sent 20.000 troops to the island in collaboration with the Greek Cypriot leadership. A military junta had assumed power in Greece and differences developed between the junta and the Greek Cypriot leadership over the method of achieving annexation. On 15 July 1974, a coup d'etat took place in Cyprus, planned and executed by Greece, as a short-cut to Enosis. A puppet Greek Cypriot government was formed under a Greek Cypriot gunman. The coup staged by the military junta in Athens resulted in further bloodshed in the form of massacres of Turkish Cypriots and through clashes between anti- and pro-coup Greek Cypriot factions. During the events of 1974 more Turkish Cypriots went missing who remain unaccounted for until today. The Greek Cypriot leader Makarois, barely managing to escape, appeared on 19 July 1974 in the Security Council to accuse Greece of an act of invasion and occupation.

How Did the Situation Change after July 1974 ?
After consultations with Britain which did not want to take joint action under the Treaty of Guarantee, Turkey intervened as a guarantor power on 20 July 1974 in conformity with its treaty rights and obligations. The Turkish intervention blocked the way to the annexation of the island by Greece, stopped the persecution of the Turkish Cypriots and brought peace to Cyprus. The conditions became ripe for a negotiated settlement for the first time since December 1963.

In February 1975, the Turkish Cypriot people re-organized itself as a federated state in the hope that this would facilitate a federal settlement. The UN Secretary-General was entrusted with a mission of good offices by the Security Council in order to bring the two sides together and facilitate their negotiations on an equal footing. On 2 August 1975, at the third round of the Vienna talks an agreement was reached between the two sides, for the voluntary regrouping of populations. The agreement made it possible for the Turkish and Greek Cypriots to live in two geographically separate areas and under their own administrations. Following 1974, the new set of circumstances contributed to the prosperity of the island. Democracy flourished in both parts of Cyprus.


The high-level agreement of 1977 between the two sides in Cyprus set the goal as the establishment of a new partnership in the form of a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation. Under the auspices of successive UN Secretaries-General, a number of parameters such as political equality, bi-zonality, bi-communality, property exchange, the continuation of the Treaties of Guarantee and of Alliance and the tackling of EU membership after a settlement emerged as a framework for a solution. Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot side strived for a federation. They maintained that partnership and reconciliation in the island can only be achieved by safeguarding the sovereign equality of the Turkish and Greek Cypriots and the balance between two motherlands vis-a-vis Cyprus.

From 1974 onwards, in defiance of the rule of law and the established principle that federations can only be built between equal partners, the Greek Cypriot side continued with its sovereignty claims over the entire island. This prompted the Turkish Cypriot side to assert its rights by proclaiming the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) in 1983.


But the Turkish Cypriot side continued to participate in the UN process and to contribute to the efforts for the achievement of a federal settlement. On the other hand, the Greek Cypriot administration paid only lip-service to the internationally supported proposal of federation and dragged its feet in the talks that were being held under the auspices of the UN Secretary-General. The course which the Greek Cypriot side followed, namely its rejection of the 1985-86 UN Draft Framework Agreements, the 1992 UN Set of Ideas and the 1994 Confidence Building Measures, demonstrated that it was out to ignore the framework established through the UN process. Indeed, the defiance against the basic parameters for a solution clearly show that the Greek Cypriot side never foresaw a bi-zonal federal system and that it totally rejects the idea of equal partnership with the Turkish Cypriot side.

Where do the Parties Stand in Terms of a Negotiated Settlement?
In 1990 the Greek Cypriot side unilaterally applied for membership in the EU on behalf of Cyprus as a whole. This application was made in contravention of the law and in complete disregard of the fact that since 1963 there had not been a joint government representative of the entire island. The Greek Cypriot side perceived EU membership as a way of achieving dominance on the whole of the island and ensuring a more favorable position for Greece (a member of the EU) than Turkey ( a non-member) over Cyprus. In fact, the Greek Cypriot side has never concealed that it has initiated the EU membership process to get rid of the above- mentioned internal and external balances that it felt prevented extension of Greek Cypriot control over the Turkish Cypriots. Mr. Clerides, the leader of the Greek Cypriots, saw nothing wrong in telling his people that once "Cyprus" was accepted as a member of the EU, the national cause of Hellenism would triumph as the Treaty of Guarantee would be inapplicable against a member state. He went further by stating that the principles that had so far emerged regarding a bi-zonal, bi-communal settlement would have no status or meaning under EU legislation.

From the very start, Turkey and the TRNC opposed the application made by the Greek Cypriot Administration of South Cyprus as unlawful and illegitimate. They objected on the grounds that this application was done and processed in the absence of a joint authority competent to act on behalf of the whole island. They stressed that the established parameters envisioned that EU membership could only be discussed and agreed upon after an overall settlement. Moreover, Turkey and the TRNC maintained that the 1959/1960 Agreements do not permit Cyprus to join international organizations and pacts of alliance in which both Turkey and Greece do not participate.

The period as of 1990 has been overshadowed by this application. Though fully undermining the UN negotiating process, the Greek Cypriot administration insisted on proceeding with EU membership. Finally, at the Luxembourg Summit of December 1997, the EU decided to open membership negotiations with the Greek Cypriots. The effect of this decision was two-fold. First, it marked the beginning of unilateral and illegal process of Greek Cypriot accession to the Union. Second, the parameters that had evolved for a federal settlement became invalid and inapplicable.

The destruction of the framework for a federal settlement and the relevant parameters brought Cyprus to a new phase. Looking at this situation, the Turkish Cypriots stressed that a fundamental change was required in the mentality and approach of the Greek Cypriots before a new partnership became a viable project. They maintained that the Greek Cypriots, as a first step, should acknowledge the sovereign equality of the Turkish Cypriot side. Later, in August 1998, the Turkish Cypriot side put forward the confederation proposal, which addresses all the legitimate concerns of the parties, including the status of the two sides and the Turkish-Greek balance over Cyprus. It also provides that a policy of accession can be pursued by the joint agreement of the two parties if Turkey is accorded the rights of an EU member with regard to Cyprus. The Greek Cypriot side has so far declined to negotiate on this basis.

Why Greece and the Greek Cypriots do not Want Peace in the Island?
The international community is trying to help the two parties to reach a negotiated settlement ever since the outbreak of the Cyprus conflict in 1963. There is more than one source of division in Cyprus. But the most crucial one is the differences in the aspirations of the two sides. Soon after the creation of the bi-national State of Cyprus in 1960, the Greek Cypriots attempted to eliminate the Turkish Cypriots through ethnic cleansing in order to clear the way for Enosis. They destroyed the 1960 order and turned the joint state into a Greek Cypriot entity by usurping the title of "Government of Cyprus". However, in the face of the strong resistance of the Turkish Cypriots and the stance of Turkey, the Greek/Greek Cypriot camp failed to realize their design of "Hellenizing" Cyprus.

In the period following 1974 it became clear that the Greek Cypriots and Greece have not given up their ambitions of achieving dominance over Cyprus. Despite the bitter events from 1963 to 1974, the Greek Cypriot administration, instigated by Greece, increased its military build-up and provocative activities in the island. The armament efforts were stepped up under the so-called " joint military doctrine". Sophisticated weapon systems were introduced into the Greek Cypriot military arsenal. Air and naval bases for the use of Greece were constructed. All these military activities have further raised tensions and deepened the existing mistrust in Cyprus. In the past, Greek Cypriot arms build-up has only brought about suffering. Then why does it continue? The Greek Cypriot leadership has made it clear that they would never give up the cause of Hellenizing Cyprus and that use of force would not be excluded in attaining this goal.

On the other hand, the Turkish Cypriot side has expressed its readiness for a partnership agreement which safeguards the sovereign equality of the two sides and the balance between Turkey and Greece. But the Greek Cypriots have shown that they do not want a partnership on this basis. And why should they? They have not destroyed the 1960 order in order to share power with the Turkish Cypriots in a new partnership. The Turks want to live as equals. The Greeks want dominance and power over the Turks.

Today, the two peoples of Cyprus are enjoying conditions of peace and tranquility. But the bitter events from 1963 to 1974 are not forgotten. The humanitarian tragedy of the Bosnians and the Kosovars recall the sufferings endured by the Turks of Cyprus. The conflict in Kosovo has also unveiled the open support of the Greek Cypriot administration to the aggressor. The Greek Cypriot community and the church have mobilized their means for the Serbs.



Replies:
Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 07:03

Firstly i would like to say something on the solomou issue:

Solomou ignoring the shouts stop tresspassed the border of an unfriendly nation towards them,climbed the flagpole threw the flag down and shouted Turks!

In this case any nation would have done it.



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 07:04

It is for sure that the greeks were the side that ruined peace



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: iskenderani
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 07:04

As Seko would have asked ......ur link to the above material ???

Isk..



Posted By: Perseas
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 07:32

Awesome!!! Copy/paste of another propagandistic Turkish site...

http://www.ataa.org/ataa/ref/cyprus/cpyrus.html - http://www.ataa.org/ataa/ref/cyprus/cpyrus.html

Assembly of Turkish American Associations

You guys never stop to amuse us...which site will be the new source for your propaganda? http://www.ataturk.com - ataturk.com ?



Posted By: iskenderani
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 07:39

Akunsu wrote:

In this case any nation would have done it.

Any example , throughout History of ANY nation that have DONE IT ???

Only one.... Turkey and Turks..

Isk.



Posted By: iskenderani
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 07:42

Aeolus wrote :

You guys never stop to amuse us...which site will be the new source for your propaganda? http://www.ataturk.com/ - ataturk.com ?

As i have said Aeolus ...these people are naturally born jesters...u cant get mad at them...U just smile for theit feeble attempts to falify everything and to tailor-cut them to the size of their needs...

Isk.



Posted By: iskenderani
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 07:47

 

Aku...i didnt post the pic of Solomou execution....I have posted the execution by clubbing of another unarmed Cypriot , showing your brave army , killing him with the help of the Grey Wolves , terroristic org. members...

I guess u did that in self defence , as the savage Cypriot attacked all of u with empty hands....or did he had a tooth-pick with him ??

Isk.



Posted By: iskenderani
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 07:48

 

Thnx Aeolus...as expected .More propaganda written by their own..

Isk.



Posted By: Perseas
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 08:13

Since we are talking about the Facts lets talk about another FACT.

Grey Wolves, the fascist terrorist group with strong ties to the Turkish Military which until this day, many of their members remain in Cyprus, provoking and terrorising Turkish Cypriots and of course murdering Greek Cypriots as we all saw from the murder of the Greek-Cypriot protester.

In the late 1970s, armed bands of Grey Wolves launched a wave of bomb attacks and shootings that killed hundreds of people, including public officials, journalists, lawyers, human rights activists, students, and trade unionists. During this period, the Grey Wolves operated with the encouragement and protection of the Counter-Guerrilla Organization, a section of the Turkish Army's Special Warfare Department.
               
Headquartered in the U.S. Military Aid Mission building in Ankara, the Special Warfare Department received funds and training from U.S. advisors to establish paramilitary units that were supposed to engage in acts of sabotage and resistance in the event of a Soviet invasion.

But instead of preparing for foreign enemies, these shadowy paramilitary specialists set their sights on domestic targets, according to retired Turkish army commander Talat Turhan, who has authored three books about Turkish secret service and police ties to right-wing extremists and mafia-style gangs. The Counter-Guerrilla Organization, according to Turhan, supplied weapons to the Grey Wolves, who were responsible for much of the political violence that set the stage for the 1980 coup by the Turkish military.

Agca was part of a network of neofascist gunmen who had close links to Turkish police commanders, intelligence officers, and far-right politicians. Evidence of this sordid sub-rosa alliance came to the fore in dramatic fashion in 1996 when one of Agca's closest associates, Grey Wolf leader Abdullah Catli (pronounced "chutley"), died in a car crash on a remote highway near Susurluk, a hundred miles southwest of Istanbul.

A convicted fugitive wanted for murder and heroin trafficking, Catli was accompanied by his gangster girlfriend and a high-ranking police official, who also died in the car accident. A Kurdish warlord who teamed up with Turkish security forces was the sole survivor of thecrash. Questions about what they were all doing together in the same car led to a parliamentary inquiry and a series of stunning revelations about "the deep state" and political corruption in Turkey.

For twenty years, according to a 1998 parliamentary report, Turkish security agencies backed ultra-right-wing death squads and narco-criminal gangs that were involved in bombings, kidnappings, and other terrorist attacks.

Confirming what human rights activists had long suspected, the report concluded that members of the Grey Wolves had participated in a state-sponsored "dirty war" against ethnic Kurds and Turkish dissidents.

This terror campaign was responsible for many of Turkey's 14,000 unsolved murders and disappearances in recent years.

source: http://www.commondreams.org/views01/0514-08.htm - http://www.commondreams.org/views01/0514-08.htm
 
So, a terrorist Turkish group, created to do "favors" to Turkish military in the 50's and of course Turkish goverment, has got more than 2000 members of it still in Cyprus!!!  
 
And that guy who was talking about terrorist groups, Osmanli nowhere to be found!! 
To be continued!

 



Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 10:17
Originally posted by iskenderani

Akunsu wrote:

In this case any nation would have done it.

Any example , throughout History of ANY nation that have DONE IT ???

Only one.... Turkey and Turks..

Isk.

Yes.what if i went to the border of armenia and did the same thing.Tresspassing to an unfriendly nation is unintelligent.If you penetrate the flag you will be killed(especially if you are an enemy)



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 10:19
Originally posted by iskenderani

 

Aku...i didnt post the pic of Solomou execution....I have posted the execution by clubbing of another unarmed Cypriot , showing your brave army , killing him with the help of the Grey Wolves , terroristic org. members...

I guess u did that in self defence , as the savage Cypriot attacked all of u with empty hands....or did he had a tooth-pick with him ??

Isk.

America would have done it,Armenia would have done it.If i ran to any nation screaming idiots right after a commited crime that would be the last time you would be seeimg me



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 10:22
Originally posted by iskenderani

Aeolus wrote :

You guys never stop to amuse us...which site will be the new source for your propaganda? http://www.ataturk.com/ - ataturk.com ?

As i have said Aeolus ...these people are naturally born jesters...u cant get mad at them...U just smile for theit feeble attempts to falify everything and to tailor-cut them to the size of their needs...

Isk.

Jesters.Your courage allows you to say that through nicknames and internet.

Whenever we write a site it's propoganda but when you write;

vile turks.....



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 10:26

Lastly i would like to ask:

Why didn't Greece and it's honourable brave people declared war to turkey if there was a true massackere.Why didn't the UN do it?Why didn't America do it?(since they are fond of other people's rights)



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 10:53
 

GREEKS: THE DEMOCRATS WHO ARE NOT

(Quotations of interest from the Western Press)

"I am writing this so that others will not make the same mistakes that I have made. Modern Greece is not like old Greece. The Greeks are a wicked and barbaric race who have no gratitude" (as quoted by a Philhellene who went to Greece, during the 1821-1822 Greek rebellion) St. Clair William, That Greece Might Still be Free-the Philhellenes in the War of Independence, London ,1972.

"The Ancient Greeks no longer exist. The place of Solon, Socrates and Demosthenes has been taken by blind ignorance. The logical laws of Athens have been replaced by barbarism..." (as quoted by a Prussian officer, during the 1821-1822 Greek rebellion) Bolmann L de, Remarques Sur L'etat Moral, Politique Et Militaire De La Grece, Marseilles, 1823.

"Some people hold on to the view that, because the word democracy derives from an ancient Greek word, modern Greeks are automatically to be seen as the natural heirs of the political system it refers to. But the Greek Republic was not converted to democracy until fairly recently, and judging by the international problems the country has recently been experiencing, it has still not come to terms with the democratic thinking." Wim Verjans, The European, 11-17.03.1994.

Greeks and Cyprus

"Philhellens of Cypruspests of the island (Cyprus)headquarters of this agitation is at Athens and Alexandria, from whence came the funds that kept the Greek Cypriot agitation and the agitators alivenow they want to fill all responsible posts with Greeks, to the exclusion of the English and the Turksthey are already beginning to exercise a wild terror over peaceful fellow citizens" The Homeward Mail, 03.10.1881.

"I feel certain that most Irish people do not appreciate the grave wrongs that have been inflicted on the Turkish population of Cyprus and on Turkey itself. Historically and geographically Cyprus belongs to Turkey and it is a tribute to the patience and forbearing of that country that it agreed for the sake of peace to the imposition of Greek ruleThe recent riots provoked by (Greek) elements who want to find an excuse for a pogrom against the islands Turks is a glaring example of the manner in which the real owners of Cyprus are being treatedIt is too much to expect that Turkey will remain patient forever, and if peace is to be maintained in the Mediterranean the problem of Turkish Cyprus must be solved." Irish Evening Press, 01.01.1964.

"Turks to be exterminated

On the Greek Cypriot side the extremists resent President Makarios acceptance of British intervention and would have preferred the fighting to continue, leading to the extermination of the Turkish community" The Times, 04.01.1964.

"an Englishmen named John Kidney lost his job as head of the TASIS Hellenic International School in Athens, when his work permit was withdrawn by the Greek authorities, because his pupils were allowed to consider the Turkish side of the Cyprus question. Although he had no knowledge of what was happening in the controversial current affairs on Cyprus, he was held technically responsible. Apparently pupils were asked by the history techer to write an essay on the Turkish side of the Cyprus issue, and four Turkish pampleths on Cyprus were lodged in the library. The history teacher concerned was dismissed, while the work permits of two other members of staff were withdrawn. This is clear indication of Greek intolerance and bigotry from which the non-Greek communities , both in Greece and in Cyprus, have been suffering for many years" Times Educational Supplement, 15.06.1984.

"Hatred in Cyprus, Makarios Enigma

Archbishop Makarios, robed and bearded cleric who serves as President of Cyprus, has a Byzantine talent for equitationHis government deliberately provoked the clashes and is bent upon the extermination of the Turkish population" Washington Post, 16.02.1964, article by Robert H. Estabrooh.

"the fanatic Greeks are gradually approaching to ethnic genocide" Washington Post, 17.02.1964.

"If Turkey comes in order to save Turkish Cypriots, Turkey will find no Turkish Cypriots to save" The statement of Archbishop Makarios, August 1964.

"In the island, thousands of Turks were held as hostages. Turkish women were raped and Turkish children killed on the streets. The Turkish quarter in Limassol was burnt down. The incidents have been confirmed by Greek Cypriots." The London Times, 22.07.1974.

"the Greeks killed many women and children in Limassol. I have seen the bodies of 20 children lying on the roadsome were wounded and cryingthe Greek soldiers are waiting for their turn to enter in the Turkish homes and kill the women" United Press International (UPI), 23.07.1974.

"the human mind can not comprehend the Greeks butchery. Greek National Guardentering the Turkish homes, ruthlessly rained bullets on women and children, they cut the throats of many Turks; rounding up the Turkish women, theyraped them all" Voice of Germany, 30.07.1974.

"I saw with my own eyes the shameful incidents. The Greeks burned Turkish mosques and set fire to Turkish homes in the villages around Famagusta. Defenceless Turkish villagers, who have no weapons, live in an atmosphere of terror, created by the Greek marauders, and they evacuate their homes and go and live in tents in the forest. The Greeks with their bazookas create total chaos in the Turkish villages. The Greeks actions are a shame to humanity. Those Turks who can save their lives run to the nearby hills and are able to do nothing but watch the callous looting of their homes." France Soir, 24.07.1974.

"In the Turkish village of Aleminio, the Turks were collected in front of a wall and the Greek national army shot them all and killed them indiscriminately" NBC, National Broadcasting Corporation, 29.07.1974, reported by John Palmer.

"what happened in Cyprus during the coup detat, can not be namedit can only be called as dirty and inhuman" The Sun, 03.09.1974.

The Greeks were also massacring their own people as well. Mrs Rina Catselli, wife of a Greek Cypriot M.P., in her memoirs on coup detat in Cyprus on 15 July 1974, recalls:

"At the Castle of Kyrinia, I saw the Greeks massacring their Greek brothers under the Greek flagThey were not hesitating to crush any one who were not supporting themOrder was given to a Greek soldier with a machine gun to shoot at the Kyrinia Metropolit. He was killed by another Greek when he did not obey the ordertwo children were killed by the Greek soldiers. The father asked for the bodies. They killed the father as well and buried all in the mass gravesIn the Nicosia general hospital, the soldiers from Greece did not allow the doctors to treat the wounded people who supported MakariosIf these people from Greece are Hellenes, we should stop calling ourselves Hellenesmass arrest of those not supporting them started. The roads of Kyrinia were full of armed persons sent by the Greek juntaI have never thought that one day I will be arrested by brother Greeks and put in the Kyrinia Castle. I pray for justice and freedom to come back" Catselli Rina, Refugee in my Homeland, 1979.

"We should not be ready even to discuss the system of rotational Presidency within a federal systemBecause, we ther Greeks, can not tolerate even one day to a Turkish President" O. Baraderides, Agon (Greek Cypriot daily), 29.09.1991.

"Papandreu [Greek politician], with this kind of behaviour, looks like an acrobat without an umbrella on the rope, using his arms to establish the balancePapandreu deliversmany meaningless speeshs with this method which invites reaction. However, to respond Papandreu with the same method, will cause more shouting from him" Los Angeles Times, 19.03.1985.

"We have been informed that you are making a great mistake at the expense of Greek Cypriots e.g. there is a Greek-owned car which goes to Dhekelia yet you prefer to travel there by a Turkish-owned car.

You are not ashamed either of God or of man and you accept exploitation by the Turks? Pityyou are called Greeks. Dont you know that you violate your religion and betray your fatherland by cooperating with Turks?

I ORDER YOU TO STOP IMMEDIATELY GOING OUT WITH THEM. Otherwise EOKA, the punisher,will fall on your head and we shall stain our hands with the blood of traitors and make a lesson of you.

When water and fire become intimate friends and when hell and paradise unite, then and only then shall we be the sincere friends of the Turks.

You must remember therefore that within three hours from the recipt of my letter you must stop cooperating with the Turks otherwise I will order your immediate execution.

EOKA

Dhigenis, The Leader

14.05.1956"

[A letter sent to a Greek Cypriot citizen by Dhigenis (Grivas) a General from Greece who came to Cyprus to establish the Greek terrorist underground organisation under the name of EOKA for the union (ENOSIS) of Cyprus with Greece.]

"Unless this small Turkish Community forming a part of the Turkish race which has been the terrible enemy of Hellenism is expelled from Cyprus, the duty of the heroes of EOKA can never be considered terminated." President Archbishop Makarios addressing to the Greek Cypriots on 04.09.1962.

"In Cyprus the terror continues. Right now we are witnessing the exodus of Turks from villages. Thousands of people are abandoning their homes, lands, herds: Greek terrorism is relentless. This time, the rhetoric of the Hellenes and the busts of Plato do not suffice to cover up their barbaric and ferocious behaviour. At four oclock in the afternoon curfew is imposed on the Turkish villages. Threats, shootings and attempts of arson start as soon as it becomes dark. After the massacre during the past Christmas that spared neither women, nor children, it is difficult to put up any resistance" Il Giorno, 14.01.1964, reported by Giorgio Bocco.

"I have seen in a bathtub the bodies of a mother and of her three young children murdered just because their father was a Turkish officer..." Le Figaro, 25-26.01.1964 reported by Max Closs

"Greek Cypriot police in Larnaca stopped a rented car, carrying four British tourists departing from Pyla (a mixed village in the Buffer Zone where the Greek Cypriot authorities prevent the Greek Cypriots and visiting tourists from buying any item from the Turkish Cypriots), and searched it. It was found out that two of the tourists had bought two golden rings from the Turks in Pyla, which were confiscated. The tourists were fined 20 Cyprus pounds. Filelefteros (Greek Cypriot newspaper), 14.02.1993.

"A Greek woman singer, who had bought 38 pairs of sportswear from Turkish shops in Pyla, was jailed by a Greek Cypriot court for four months; the items were seized.""Alithia (Greek Cypriot newspaper), 09.09.1993.

"Four Greek Cypriots from Limassol were arrested by the Greek Cypriot police on the grounds that they had bought Reebok sports jackets from a sports-wear Turkish shop in Pyla. The jackets were confiscated by the police." Agon (Greek Cypriot newspaper), 13.10.1993.

"the Secretary-General has made strong criticism against the Greek Cypriots. The Secretary-General has accused a major part of the Greek Cypriot Press and the political leadership as behaving paranoidly and as an example showed the storm created over the contacts between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots." Filelefteros (Greek Cypriot newspaper), 26.11.1993.

"the Greek Cypriot police stopped a car driven by Nikos Ch. Bibonis and after searching the car found 35 kg. Fresh fish, four game rabbits,Bibonis told the police that he bought these items from a Turk living in Pyla. He was arrested and the items were confiscated by the Greek Cypriot police" Agon (Greek Cypriot newspaper), 05.12.1994.

"Unfortunately, accusing those telling the realities in this country, of being defeatist submissive and degrading them has become quite widespread. As soon as some cored and true things are said which disturbs these brainless people, accusations start and by using clinched slogans these brainless, who monopolise patriotism, immediately start calling people traitors. Is it sin to express views from time time similar to that of Turks? Is our role always to disagree with the Turks? But if we disagree all the time how are we going to reach an agreement? Even if we reach an agreement how will the state we will establish work with such disagreements." Agon (Greek Cypriot newspaper), 25.11.1993 (from the statement of Mr. Nicos Rolandis, Liberal Party M.P.).

Greek Intolerance on Religion and Ethnicity

"Vandalism of Greeks towards Moslem art is undeniable. I remember once hearing Prince Andrew boast of having paved his quarters at Salonica with Moslem tombstones" British Foreign Office Document FO 371/7880/E7453, Ispahani of the London Moslem League to Curzon, 25 July 1922.

"Turks to be exterminated

On the Greek Cypriot side the extremists resent President Makarios acceptance of British intervention and would have preferred the fighting to continue, leading to the extermination of the Turkish community" The Times, 04.01.1964.

"The Turks of Greecedisappeared suddenly and finally in the spring of 1821unnoticed by the rest of the worldUpwards of 20,000 Turkish men, women and children were murdered by their Greek neighbours in a few weeks of slaughter. They were killed deliberately, without qualm or scruple, and there were no regrets either then or later. Unarmed Turkish families living in simple farms or small isolated communities were summarily put to death and their homes burned down over their corpsesthe orgy of genocide exhausted itself in the Pelopennese only when there were no more Turks to killWilliam St. Clair, That Greece Might Still Be Free, London 1972.

"it is unbelievable that a nation like Greeks who have a very obvious exotic intentions, who are deprived from tolerance and open-minded heads, who are not destined for a national characteristics, are allowed to conquer and rule another nation (Turkey) to whom they have felt enmity for centuriesthe Greek soldiers and brigands committing such a bloody barbarism that was not witnessed during recent history. This has to be stopped. They should not be allowed to satisfy their ambitions by killing the native people like sheep and burning every place they conquer. These Greeks are those who have done all types of propaganda with the intention to degrade Turks in the eyes of the Europeans" Morning Post, London, 26.07.1919.

"These beautiful towns (Izmir, Manisa, Bergama, etc) are now desolated, these amiable people killed, exiled, ruined or tormated by most appalling mental and physical agonies, and this through the wantonness of the Western statesmen who hardened their hearts and stopped their ears against their expert advisersAfter causing hundreds of thousands of fellow human beings to lose everything that makes life worth living, they have themselves lost nothing more irretrievable than office and reputation. It were better indeed for the British Empire that the Greek Army had never set foot in Anatolia) Arnold J. Toynbee, The Western Question in Greece and Turkey, London, 1923.

" The Imam of Omorphita and his paralysed blind son were found today murdered in their beds in Nicosia. Turks returning to Omorphita suburb under British escort found the 75 year-old priest Huseyin Igneci riddled with machine-gun bullets. The Turkish religious leader had gone to bed after leading prayers in a mosque...""Daily Mail, 03.01.1964, reported by Bernard Jordan from Nicosia.

"To : H.E. The President, H. Sarcetakis

Chairman of NDP, K. Mitsodakis

Chairman of PASOK, A. Papandreu

Chairman of Leftist Union, H. Feorakis

Today (20.11.1989, Monday), after the religious ceremony which took place at the Gumulcine and Maronia churches, the people of Rodop decided to inform you upon the following:

It has been learned that a coalition government will be established with the support of the Moslem M.P. from Rodop. We strongly protest this kind of approach and inform that a cabinet established with the support of a Moslem will constitute an insult to the national honor and credit of our people.

The people of Rodop requests from all politicians to take into consideration the danger of such an approach and protect the sacred values and unity of the people.

Damas Krinos

Metropolit of Gumulcine and Maronia"

[A member of the Turkish/Moslem minority in Greece, the independent Ismail Molla was elected as a Member of Parliament from Rodop of Western Thrace during 5 November 1989 elections. Newspapers reported that PASOK, together with leftist parties, may establish a coalition government with the support of this M.P. of Turkish origin.]

"During the recent election in GreeceDr. Sadik Ahmet, a parliamentarian of Gumulcine province of Greece, has been arrested because he has used the term of Turkish minorities instead of Moslem minorities during his recent election campaignthe 3-member court of Gumulcine has convicted Dr. Sadik Ahmet to 18 months of prisonment and 3 years restriction from political life" BBC London reporting on 26.01.1990.

" 19 persons were wounded at incidents which took place between the Greeks and Turks at the Turkish neighborhood of GumulcineThe incidents took place when a group of citizens wanted to protest a decision of the High Court which prohibits to use the word "Turkish" in titles of organisations. 120,000 Moslems live in Greece who have been living there during the last five centuries. About 1,500 Moslems met in front of a mosque to protest the decision of the High Court when attacked by their Greek neighboursReuter reporting on 29.01.1990.

"Greece Accused of Abuses

The London-based International Society for Human Rights has accused Greece of sytematically abusing ethnic and religious minorities. A report set for release today said that Greece has persecuted Macedonian Slavs and followers of religion other than Greek Orthodoxy-including Baptists, Pentecostalist and Jehovahs Witnesses. Often, members of such minority congregations have been imprisoned without formal charge or trial, it added: It is nothing short of scandalous that the state due to take over the presidency of the European Community in January should be engaged in institutional violations of human rights on this scale, said a spokeswoman" The Washington Post, 31.12.1993

Greek Aid to International Terrorism

"The chain of events, that led to the bursting of two guerillas into the hall where the Organisation for the Solidarity of Asian-African Nations was holding its meeting in Nicosia, during February 1978, and then led further to the operations of Egyptian commandos at the airfield of Larnaca, has thrown a light on a fact which had hitherto been known to the Intelligence Services. The fact in question is that the island of (Southern) Cyprus has become the capital of the international terrorism. This development is the outcome of a mistaken policy, inaugurated in order to win the sympathy and support of the Progressive Arab Countries, and further expended in the course of the civil war in Lebanon. Thus, Cyprus has developed into a new center of the international terrorism. There, with the connivance and support of sertain Communist and Socialist States, a section of the international terrorist activities is being planned, coordinated and carried out. As to the Greek Cypriot Government, it is giving proofs of such unbelievable liberality and benevolence in the matter that its attitude amounts to little less than aiding and abetting the international terrorists who are using Cyprus as a training ground, a supply center and an operational basis. This pleasant island, once a paradise of tourism, is now the haunt of crime and fear. We make bold to prove this by the evidence of world press publications. We are blaming this and calling on you for your help in the fight against terrorism, that has reached terrible dimensions and threatens peace in the Middle East, and against the states that connive with it. Thousands of innocent souls entreat you to suppress terrorism in your own countries that tolerate or encourage this international evil, and allow it to root in their territory." Announcement of the International Peace Institute (IPI) made during February 1978 after its meeting at the Greek part of Nicosia.

"Terror headquarters in (Southern) Cyprus

Three weeks ago, a luxury villa in Larnaca standing in its own grounds was the scene of a secret meeting between liaison officers from some of the worlds most dangerous international terrorist groups. They included Wadi Hadads Revolutionary Popular Front For the Liberation of Palestine (RPFLP), the Japanese Red Army, vestiges of the Baader-Meinhof gang, terrorist cells based in Libya, Algeria and South Yemen and National Front For the Liberation of Turkey. This was an operational meeting. Western intelligence sources offer two theories about what it was designed to achieve. The first is that the groups represented wanted to conduct a joint post-mortem on their recent operations, which have been thwarted by close cooperation between American, West European and Israeli intelligence services. The second theory is that the Cyprus meeting was intended to divert the attention of Western intelligence from another, more important meeting attended by the top terrorist leaders and designed to orchestrate an intensified terrorist campaign aimed at some Arab states as well as Israel and Western countries. One of the most remarkable aspects of the Cyprus get-together was that the local representatives of the groups that attended had coolly informed the local authorities about the visitors and requested that they should be given a special treatment and the freedom to move around the island at will. It seems that the Cypriot Greek government was a willing host. Cyprus appears to have become a primary base for international terrorist organisations involved in the Middle East" Foreign Report published by the Economist Newspaper Limited.

"Papandreu government has removed the law which was to fight against terrorism" Acroplis, Athens, 15.04.1983.

"Mitsodakis claimed that, the removal of law by the government which takes measures against terrorism is a terrible mistakeThis will bring more terrorism to the country" Vradimi, Athens, 15.04.1983.

"terrorist activities in our country is increasingthis is threatening the lives of our citizensLately our country has become the arena of the international terrorism" Eleftheros Tipos, Athens, 06.07.1984.

"The Western diplomats are concerned with the fact that the Greek government has turned Athens to a terrorist heaven. A diplomat said Athens has become a city that is considered by the terrorists as their home" Washington Post, 09.07.1984.

"Some of the intelligence services of the European Union partners, fear that Greece, is not to be trusted with sensitive intelligence on terrorism" The Independent, 09.11.1994 by Leonard Doyle.

"the terrorist again caused disorder in the city" Acroplis, Athens, 06.12.1984.

"Athens as Central Base of Terrorist Organisations

Athens, after Beirut, has become the base of (Armenian) terror organisation ASALA. The government of Papandreu has gladly accepted this" Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Bonn, 06.03.1985.

"Western Intelligence Services believe that the terrorist organisations are using Athens as a base to prepare their world wide operations. The Greeks are in favour of this with condition that the terrorists will not use any Greek interest as their targets. For this reason, Western Intelligent Services have brought to the minimum their contact with the Greek counterparts" The Times, 07.03.1985.

Note: The following Turkish diplomats were assasinated in Greece: 1-Galip Ozman (Admin Attache) and daughter on 31.07.1980, 2-Cetin Gorgu (Press Attache) on 07.10.1991, 3-Haluk Sipahioglu (First Secretary) on 04.07.1994.

"Leftist Greek guerrillas, vowing to strike again, claimed responsibility yesterday for the killing of a senior Turkish diplomat. The November 17 guerrillas sent a four-page statement to the private Sky television station late Monday. It was printed in Greek newspapers yesterday. A three-men November 17 hit squad shot and killed Turkish Consul Omer Haluk Sipahioglu, 46, as he got into his car to drive to work on Monday. They used a 45 semi-automatic pistol that has been used in a string of killings, including that of American Richard Welch, the CIA station chief, in 1975." Washington Post, 06.07.1994.

"Question by the Press: Sometime before the assasination of Mr. Sipahioglu, some of the (Greek) newspapers published information which showed the Turkish diplomats as a target. Is the government considering this fact.

Venizelos (Greek Governbment Speaker): One special newspaper published the names and addresses of the Turkish diplomats. This is a fact. The General Directorate of Information has taken this matter up and the Ministry of Justice has delivered all relevant publications to the public prosecuter for necessary action. What I want to tell you here is the fact that the Turkish diplomats are fully protected by the Greek police forces!!!???"" Bulletin of the Information General Directorate, 04.07.1994.

"It is a fact that ther murderers has contact with senior officials. This is how they had full information on the movements of Mr. Sipahioglu" Elefteros Tipos, 04.07.1994.

"It is a fact that the murderers received inside information. The name of Mr. Sipahioglu was mentioned in the STOHOS newspaper under The important Turkish targets"" Apoyevmitini, 04.07.1994.

"The murderers were following Mr. Sipahioglu for the last 20 days. The assasination was well arranged like the previous ones. It is also possible that this time some Kurdish terrorists are used within the November 17 organisation" Sky Hellenism, 04.07.1994.

"Is this a coincidence that the new victim was also unaccompanied by the guards at the time of murder? The terror organisation November 17 is receiving information from inside sourcesThis is the fourth assassination committed on the Turkish diplomats by the November 17 organisation" Ta Nea, 05.07.1994.

"as learned from CIA sources, there is a PKK training camp at a Greek military base in the south of Salonikaphotographs of this camp is in the files of CIA" The Times, 09.04.1995 by James Adams.

"PKK is one of the most dangerous terrorist organisationsPKK has opened offices in Greece" 1994 Report on Terror, USA Foreign Office, 28.04.1985.

Greece and the European Union

"A Greek political obsession: Demonstrators in Thessaloniki oppose giving the name of Macedonia to an ex-Yugoslav province Greek citizens want to prevent Macedonia from becoming a new state under that name. For almost six months, Greece has rebuffed its 11 partners in the European Community, all of which favour recognising the indepenedence of the former Yugoslav province. In recent weeks EC leaders have increasingly expressed irritation with Athens stubbornness, and some in private regret that Greece was ever admitted to the Community in the first place" Newsweek, 01.06.1992.

"The European Communitys frustration with Greece has been flustering for a long time. Now, the rot in the relationship has become too deep to ignoreMr Karamanlis signed the treaty of accession (in EC) in 1979. Ten years later Mr. Giscard DEstaign, a keen Hellenophil, confided to friends that letting in Greece had been a mistakeGreek inflexibility on both Turkey and Macedonia maddened ministers from other EC countriesOne minister described Greeces stance on Macedonia as rubbish"Europe, 09.05.1992.

"Greece belongs to Europe. But does it belong to the European Union? One has to doubt itIs a country which extremely profits from the EU, but still wants to set its own will an agreeable partner?There is only one single, unfriendly expression to describe it: political blacxkmailWhere will a common foreign policy lead to if it is dominated by Greek neurosia. That is the question the other EU members will have to answer" Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 14.02.1995.

Read it and weep



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 10:55

The adress is;

http://www.atmg.org/GreekQuotations.html - www.atmg.org/GreekQuotations.html



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 10:56
It's not a turish site

-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 11:01

And another one:

http://www.brt.gov.nc.tr/haberler/DavidC/English/ENGLISHVERSION.htm - www.brt.gov.nc.tr/haberler/DavidC/English/ENGLISHVERSION.htm



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 11:02

CYPRUS, PAST, PRESENT & FUTURE

 A collection of thoughts by Cyprus Today columnist David Carter, author of The Cyprus Today's, now in its second edition
 

ERENKY has no military significance today. It is hemmed on three sides by Greek Cypriot territory with the open sea on (its fourth. Isolated, it sits several miles away from what constitutes the main area of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Yet  this  Iittle  place  of  rocky ground,  part  of  the  lower reaches  of  the  Troodos mountains, is where, in August 1964, a few hundred young Turkish Cypriots, poorly  armed  and short of food,  repulsed 1,500 fully-trained Greek and Greek Cypriot soldiers, fully-equipped, with 25lb canons and four-barreled Oerlikon 20mm guns in support and Russian-built gun boats firing from the sea. >>

Led by General Grivas and ordered by Archbishop Makarios, the Greeks went on the attack after disarming the officers and men of the United Nations Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP), which was supposed to keep the peace in the area. >>

Day after day Greek guns battered the small village. Women and children were forced to hide in caves as destruction rained down on them. The attack stopped only after Turkish jet fighters came to the defenders' aid and world opinion became outraged by what was taking place. >>

Britain's Guardian newspaper wrote: "The President's (Makarios) sincerity in his dealings with the UN has been questionable for a long time... As lately as yesterday his men were preventing the UN from evacuating Turkish women and children from where their lives were in danger... His behavior has been scheming, deceptive and cruel as well... his real object is to drive the Turks off the island or into positions in which they will be at his mercy - a quality in which many Greek Cypriots are notoriously deficient." >>

The paper added; "The President has no right to jeopardize the peace of the whole of the Levant merely in order to assert his hold over one mountain village." The Daily Mail said "It has been half-forgotten that the Turkish (air) raids were launched in defense of Turkish positions and under extreme provocation... The eyes of the world seem at Iast to be opened to Makarios's real nature." >>

When the UN commander,  general Thlmayya,  was eventually allowed into the village, he found 800 starving civilian refugees. Horrified by the scene, he ordered immediate relief supplies. >>

Soon  afterwards  the  Swedish  UN  contingent  was  replaced  by  the  Aueen's Company of the British Grenadier Guards. Colonel Oliver Lindsay, CBE, was a young officer at the time, He told me; "The area looked and felt under siege, with Turkish Cypriots  crammed  into tents  and  make-shift  shelters.  A massacre was  a real possibility." >>

1 questioned Colonel Lindsay about the UN Force's failure to stop the Greek Cypriot assaults. He replied; "Unficyp was not meant to fight. Fire could only be opened  if  attacked,  and then only as a last resort.  We were there to pacify, observe, report and act as a quick reaction force to prevent incidents developing into war." >>

Because of its limited mandate - which still runs - Unficyp could never be an effective means to ensure peace. The attacks on Erenkoy stopped only when Turkey promised further punitive action against the Greeks. >>

For the Turkish Cypriots of Cyprus, Erenky was the only port left in their hands in 1964 through which they could bring food and medical supplies for their families. They had  been pushed out from  103  of their villages  island-wide  into just 35 enclaves by the Greek Cypriots. From owning 35 per cent of the island, they had been squeezed into no more than three per cent of the land area of Cyprus, while the world talked, but did nothing to help the victims. >>

For the Greek Cypriot extremists, if Erenkoy fell, they would win their war and Turkish Cypriots would have to accept their terms. The terms were simple: Cyprus would join Greece and Turks could accept second-class citizenship or face the consequences, preferably exude from their land forever, >>

Barely  had  the  ink  dried  on  the  agreement  to  establish  a  co-partnership, independent Cyprus republic in 1960, on terms settled between Turkey and Greece, with the representatives of the two island-communities, and approved by the United Kingdom,  the colonial power,  than Archbishop Makarios declared his intention to expel the Turkish Cypriots, not only from government but from the whole island. >>

In December 1963,  in collaboration with Greece,  Makarios and his supporters, launched their program of ethnic cleansing, using a combination of military and economic  measures,  One  of  those  master-minding  the  campaign  was  Glafcos Cierides, the current President of the Republic of South Cyprus. >>

Today there are 13 carefully tended graves of Turkish Cypriots at Erenky. They had defended their people with little more than brave hearts. The youngest was barely a teenager, the eldest was in his middle 30s. The tombstones carry a portrait of each of them, with their names. They lie on a small hill looking out to sea and the shores of Turkey. It is an honorable place to sleep the endless sleep. >>

The wrecked village, broken mosque and this small cemetery, stand as lasting symbols pf Turkish Cypriot resistance. >>>>

NOW, 37 years later, Turkish Cypriots are still having to struggle for their survival while the major powers, in particular the UK, talk about the need for the unification of Cyprus, with an end to two independent states. They maintain the fiction of the 1960 Republic as if it were still in existence. Its jurisdiction running over the whole island.> >

Others see the TRNC, but do not agree with it. Some of these powers are doing everything possible behind the scenes to undermine its survival and do what the Greek side wants, including its entry to the EU as the sole authority. >>

The question is why? >>

I do not have the answer. >>

I am not an academic or a professor of jurisprudence. I have never concerned myself with technical niceties or the sweet sounding words of politicians which are as transparent as air and stand up even less to analysis. >>

For most  of  my  working Life,  ! have been  nothing  more significant than ordinary working Journalist, trying as far as possible to report the truth. My work has taken me to many "hot-spots", not Ieast of all the Falklands, Beirut, behind the iron Curtain in Soviet times and the Guff. But my special Interest has been Cyprus. No other place has been more difficult to cover,  I have crossed swords with mar editors who have wanted me to change the facts to suit preconceived notions. >>

In 1956, at the age of 17, while still at high school in America, I wrote my fir article about Cyprus. At the time I would have found it difficult to pin-point the island's location on a map. >>

What prompted me to type in protest were a few lines from the Honorable Christian A Axelos, the Greek Consul In San Francisco. He had set out the Greek case in our daily newspaper, the influential Oakland Tribune. >>

Talking about the Turks In Cyprus, Axelas argued that they were a mere minority and their "whims" (his word) were unimportant on the issue of enosis, union with Greece, and the future of Cyprus. In one sentence, he spoke about "independence and in the next, the subjection of Cyprus by Athens. He insisted British concern on the  Turks  well-being should  not  be allowed  to  prevail  over the rights  of  the majority, the Greeks. >>

My response,  also In the Oakland Tribune,  was to tell the Consul that "bru force",  as exercised by Greek-sponsored Eoka,  could achieve many successes the short-term, but would lead to an explosion of violence, >>

I asked the Consul to define what he meant by a "world of peace, Justice and democracy" when his government encouraged terrorism". I pointed out that fair and just societies ensured the rights of its "minority" first. ( forecast: "A settlement, there will be in accordance with the wishes of the Cypriots - free from fear - can only be resolved if and when the Greeks begin to act peaceably". >>

Never in my wildest dreams did I think my words would be valid 45 years later with one significant difference: the decision of Britain and to back the wife-beat in preference to the victim,  and expect her to agree willingly to return to broken home, rather than allowing her to build a new danger-free life.> >

DURING the 60s and 70s,  I saw Turkish Cypriots,  despite their deprivation expulsion from government, time and time again, extending their hands in friends to the Greek Cypriots, believing the island's whole population could and should work together for the prosperity of all, only to have their offers rejected. >>

Just months before Makarios was overthrown by his Greek Cypriot rivals and Athens leadership in 1974, Rauf Denkta, still in a conciliatory mood, addressed mixed audience of Rotarians in Nicosia. >>

Mr. Denkta said: "We (Cypriot Turks) are a part of Cyprus. You can't throw out. So accommodate us. Let us accommodate ourselves. We don't want much. >>

we don't want to be 'not wanted'. That is the difficulty. for years we have been shown by words and deeds and by action that we are not wanted In Cyprus, that Cyprus not ours. And this makes any community very angry,  and makes any community entitled, at least in their own conscience, to take all steps in order to prove the land where they have lived for centuries as theirs and they Intend to keep it such." >>

His words went unheeded. While Makarios had by the seventies decided fiacre could not defeat Turkish Cypriots,  he switched to economic pressure, going as far as to offer Turks free tickets  to  leave  for abroad.  He  forecast Cyprus would  be Turk-free within years. >>

With Nicos Sampson, an acknowledged psychopath,  in the presidential palace Greek Cypriot policy changed immediately. "I can rid Cyprus of Turks, not in years, but in four days," he bragged, setting out to prove it. >>

With the UK refusing to intervene, Turkey had no choice but to act and prevent mass-slaughter. The military operation was so successful that it has become subject of lectures at army academies around the world. At  last  Turkish  Cypriots  began  to  breath  again  in  safety,  their  security guaranteed  by  Ankara  and  the  armed  forces.  Although  they would  have been justified,  Turkish  Cypriots  have  never  sought  vengeance  against  their  Greek neighbors, something which has surprised this foreign observer. Instead, they have tried to be partners with the Greeks of the island. They insist only that the two communities are treated equally and their security is assured. >>>>

ACROSS the past quarter-century,  the Turks have negotiated to find solutions outstanding  differences.  Time  and  time  again,  they  have  offered  concessing Greeks, at first, have agreed draft settlements, only to renege at the last minute.

It is as If the Greeks are convinced Turkish Cypriot determination will be worn down  and they will  eventually accept any scraps offered them from  the Greek table.> >

Greek belief is underpinned by the policles of the UK and EU in particular. It goes back to 1983. That year Turkish Cypriots declared their independence as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus - the TRNC. To the astonishment of most neutra! pbservers, Brltaln not only refused recognition, but moved a UN resolution calling on member states to do the same - and impose trade and communlcation restrictions on the so-called "breakaway state". >>

Yet this corltroverslal UN resolution flles in the face of precedent and remains  out of line with subsequent decisions taken by the world body,     >>

The UN granted Bangladesh recognition immediately after it broke away from Pakistan  and  there  were  no  objections  voiced  when  Slovenia  and  the  Czech Republfc  wsnt  their  separate  ways,  More  recently,  East  Timor  became  an independent state, with UN assistance, after it had been savaged by lndonesia, But the TRNC's rscognition continues to be refused. >>

There is no logic behind the UN and EU actions, led by the UK. They only add to the intransigence of the Greek Republlc of South Cyprus - the GRSC - to come to terms with their Turkish Cypriot neighbours. Greek Cyprlot confidence (some may say over-confidence) has also been bolstered by the EU's willingness to talk to "the Republic of Cyprus" (the South) about EU membership of the island as 1f the Gresks ware its sole rulers, The EU has simply ignored tte existence of the TRNC as an entity in its own right. >>

For the EU, many of whose members declare their hopes for a United States of Europe to prevent future conflicts, this is a stupid and dangerous process with far- reaching implications that do nothing to help the cause of peace. >>>>

The question is why has the EU gone down this road? There are four possibie explanations:> >>>

 * The British bases >>

British politicians some times argue that the bases are vital to their natlonal security.  They say the Greeks  would demand  their closure  If  the  UK were to recognize the TRNC. This is a failacy. >>

British governments ofi recent times appear to have forgotten that the two bases are on Sovereign territory. They were not negotiated with either Greeks or Turks. >>

When Sritain granted Cyprus independence, it excluded forever 99 square mes of the isfand. The rest could beiong to Cypriots, but not the land of the two bases, which wouid stay as much part of the UK as the isie of Wight or Blackpooi. >>

Therefore, British concerns are unjustified. The UK could, if it wanted, recognize one, two or three separate rspublics of Cyprus, or none, without affecting the legal status of its bases. >>

* Europe's fear and antipathy of Turkey

Whether this attitude is justified or not, It Is real and exploited fully by Athens. In European eyes, Turkey Is Muslim and Muslims are seen as a threat, For their "proof", they point to Iran, Afghanlstan and Libya. They think all Muslim countrfes are populated by extremists, forgetting, when It su(ts them, that Turkey is a secuiar Republlc today and, throughout the centuries, has shown more rellgious tolerance than any comparable Christian nation. >>

Against thts background, it is not surprlslng that while the Orthodox Church may is a different form of Christianlty than practlsed by the majority of Europeans, it is viewed,  as preferable to Islam. Europeans conslder the latter would swamp them should they open their doors to the east. >>

There is also the question of education. Most diplomats and politicians In the EU are the beneficiaries of "classical" schooling which has its roots In Anciant Greek culture and the literature of many l9th century authors, such as Byron, who had a romantic  attachment  to  the  Greek  War  of  Independence.  They  have  been condltioned  to see themselves the protectors of all  things Greek. Once rnore, easterners  are  viewed  as  "barbarians",  lacking  knowledge,  sophistication  and cultural values, although theirs stretch back to bayond that of the Ancient Greeks. >>

* The Greek Cypriot propaganda machine

Make no mistake, the Greek Cypriots exploit  every  opportunity  to  "sell"  their  "message"  to  western opinion-makers, decision-takers and ordinary to~rists as weil. >>

Their co-ordlnatad campaign should not be condemned but admired and studied for  its  sllckness,  efficfsncy and  effectlveness.  It  does  the job  for which  it is Intended. Every aspect of the GRSC's Ilfe is part of this operation. The Greek Cypriot "story" !s told in terms foreigners understand, not necessarfly in those which a domestlc audlence might welcome. >>

Turklsh Cyprlots, sad to say, sti41 communicate outwards tn language which they understand and appreciate, but which fail to make any impact on outsiders. If they are faillng to win hearts and minds, it is simply because they are usually reactive and project the past more strongly than thsir achievements in the present and, to foreign ears, Turkist Cyprlots oiten sound like babies cryfng. >>

* Bribery

Money talks louder than words, whlch Is why it is playing an increasing role in how outsiders act towards Turkish Cypriots. >>

It is an open secret that Greek Cypriot mlllionaires have contributed considerable amounts to the British Labour Party over ths years. Until recentiy, ths prfvate office of tha Deputy Prime Minister, John Prescott, was almost entirely funded by these sources,  and the son of one mlllionaire was In hls employ,  allowing the Greek Cypriot open access to the House of Commons. >>

It is also no secret that many Labour Party MPs are eiected on the vote of Greek Cypriots living in their London constituencies. They receive holidays in the GRSC, and, in return, argue the GRSC case at every opportunity in Parliament. >>

There is no comparable group representing TRNC Interests, More recently there has been growing evidence that sources within the EU are providing financfal backing to some foreign resldents in the TRNC and a faw citizens to  undermine  the  aspirations  of  the  majority  populatlon,  Soms  commetcial businesses are controlied by these outslde interests. >>

How far they have panetrated society is unclear, but they have been achleving their afms  in a variety of ways, some of which are known to this writer. They cannot be revealed while  invsstlgations by TRNC and Turkish security services continue. >>>>

IF the TRNC is to survive these overt and covert attacks - and i am confident It will - it needs to put Its Qwn politlcal house in order. There is too much in-fightlng and too little co-operation. Far too many posts in government and seml-government Institutions are glven to individuals with strong party affiliations and not because they are necessarily competent in their role. >>

Efficiency in the civil servics must be stepped up. There are too many Idle hands. >>

A  top  to  bottom  review  of  the  country's  externe!  public  relatlons  poiicy  is absolutsly necessary. As a long-time sympathizer of the Turkish Cypriot cause, even I lose patience wlth those In charge of communicating with the western media. I could draw up a list of lost opportunities which wouid fill this newspaper. >>

The "message" of the TRNC must be consistent and effective. It cannot remain reactive and slothful. Western media is used to the drive and efficiency of the Greek Cypriot propaganda machine, wtich is fast-acting and, generally, accurate. By contrast, the TRNC's PR operations ara not reliable, provide answers late and is targeted at persona! friends, not at professionals who count. It reiies on guidance from people,  local and foreign,  who are rarely experienced experts with a track record of success in this field. >>

Today's batties are won in the first place by words and images in the media. They are fought by professionals. They cannot be left in the hands of summertime soldiers, who go home at two in the afternoon. >>

If the TRNC has lost many of these pR battles so far, there is no reason why it shouid iose the war. The country has no shortage of brain-power. ideas do not cost money nor do they grow with or without International recognition. >>

Turkish Cypriots did not surrender in the past, when they had (ess. They can, in my view, with hard-work and dedicatlon, wln the final battle> >

Greek Cypriots,  meanwhile, accept they lost at Erenkoy in 1964, but they are starting to believe that if they join the EU and contribute troops to the so-called "Euro Army", they will rule Cyprus again. They are deluding themselves.> >

Unfortunately, I have met some Turkish Cypriots who are concerned that a Euro Army could come to Cyprus and fight on behalf of their neighbours in the south. Their worries are unfounded. >>

The Euro Army remains a dog without teeth. It does not have the manpower, the military hardware nor a unified command and control structure to bite (et alone bark. Unless it receives help from Nato,  it cannot function. And,  as a full Nato partner, Turkey has the right to decide which of its cauntry's resources are used and how - in any Euro operatfon. >>

lf Greek Cypriots, encouraged by Greece, believe that this Euro force will come to their aid should they be rash enough to instigate any "Incidents" on their border with the TRNC,  they are sorely mistaken. I cannot concelve of any situation in which a single European country will act militarily, without the complete approval of Turkey. >>>>

SO rather than continue a pointless battle, by whatever means, Greece and Grsek Cypriots should put aside fantasies about a greater Greek empire on the lines of ancient Byzantla and accept the reallties of the present. For a change they shouid think about the man in the street, the farmer in his field and future generations. The benefits from two peoples, equal and separate, co-operating on matters of common >>

interest - trade and water are just two - far outweigh  the  memories of  past injustices. The Greek flag will never fly above Girne castle. Nor will Istanbui revert to Constantinople, >>

Greek  Cypriots and the  leaders of their Orthodox Church  would be wiser to remember that it was Turkey in 1572 whfch granted freedom for them to practlce their  faith  again  in Cyprus  atter its prohibition and their persecution by other European occuplers. >>

!t was also Turkey that allowed Greece to re-enter Nato when 1t decided it wanted to return to the mutual defence organization. >>

Furthermore,  Turkey  intervened  in  Cyprus  to  bring  peace - a peace  whlch Unficyp, through no fault of its own, was unable to guarantee. >>

Today, with two republics, the killing has stopped. It would be a serious mistake to have Greeks - or others - test Turkish resolve again, >>

But,  as I wrote in  1956,  there can be no resolution of the so-called Cyprus "problem"  until Greeks begin to act peaceably, and to which I now add the words, openly and honestly, If the western nations believe in the rights of people to determine their futures by democrat means,  then the turkish Cypriots have decided and they should be commended rather than condemned. >>

In the end, it may be left to the United States to offer recognition to the TRNC and eventually close an unhappy Chapter in the history of Cyprus. Europe is too politically split  and  disorganized  to  decide  anyone's  fate without Washington's support, It has also become evident that europe needs Turkey more than Turkey needs Europe. >>

Certainly all independent strategists note that Turkey, with Israel, has the power to keep peace in the Middle East and monitor friction points in the Balkans and former Soviet republics far more than Greece. >>

Turkey and the TRNC are in a positlon to provide stability in this region,  a situation perhaps overlooked by the EU, but something necessary to the interests of Amerlca. Closer ties with the United States rather the EU ought to considered. Time, however, is at a prernium. Tough decisions wlll have to be taken soon. >>

Turksy  holds a strong hand of cards,  Played wisely,  they could provide the solution to the Cyprus dllemma. >>

Then the dsaths at Erenkoy wlll have purpose long into the 21st century.



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 11:06

and another one:

http://www.tallarmeniantale.com/cyprus-rape.htm - www.tallarmeniantale.com/cyprus-rape.htm



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 11:07

not Turkish either:

Michael Cacoyannis tells us in a voiceover:

This is Cyprus... my homeland. I am Greek, and my name is Michael Cacoyannis. Cyprus has been inhabited by Greeks for more than 3,000 years. They survived many conquests. Roman, Frank, Venetian, Turkish, British... always emerging with their Greek heritage intact. When I left the island as a young man, it was still a British colony. The Greek inhabitants outnumbered the Turks by four-to-one, as they do today; only then they lived together, side-by-side, in peace.

This is like the Armenian rank and file passionately believing ancient Armenia has been ?stolen? by the Turks, even though the ones who were in charge of the lands at the time were the Byzantines... nearly a thousand years ago! Just because Greeks happen to live in Cyprus does not make it a Greek island... especially when Greece had nothing to do with Cyprus since the days of the Roman Empire, and earlier (while juggled between Assyrians, Sumerians, Phoenicians, Egyptians, Persians; never, to my knowledge, was Cyprus
http://www.tallarmeniantale.com/mahmut-cyprus.htm#cont - a possession of a Greek government .

Of all the conquerors, only the Turks ... where the island of Cyprus (taken from the Venetians) is only a stone?s throw away... had the tolerance and magnitude to allow the Greeks to maintain their heritage; they could have easily displaced the Greeks with their own people (unlike the other conquerors who lived far away, and did not have the wherewithal to do so... similar to what China has been doing with Tibet and the United States with Hawaii -- in only a hundred years, or less.) Therefore, if the Greeks maintained their majority and preserved their customs and language after many centuries of Turkish rule, then let?s not give credit elsewhere... as if the Greeks succeeded in maintaining their heritage against all odds.

Moving on with the documentary's content:

Colonel Grivas

Colonel Grivas on a poster

After the war, the Greeks, rallying around Archbishop Makarios, pressed the British for some solution that would lead to their national dream of enosis, union with Greece. In 1955... trouble exploded. A small group of underground fighters called Eoka took to arms led by Grivas ? a Cyprus born colonel of the Greek army. The British exiled Makarios... and for four long years (with an army that eventually rose to 40,000) they tried to crush Eoka, and failed. Where they did succeed was in rallying the support of the Turkish minority by using enosis as a red cloth. The tradition of peaceful coexistence collapsed in violence, and for the first time the Turks demanded partition as the only protection of their rights.

Nikos Sampson

Coup leader Nikos Sampson

So Michael Cacoyannis is admitting there was peaceful coexistence between the two communities, and the ones who ?fired the first shot? were the Greeks. And look at this... he?s already making it sound like Enosis was just an excuse for big bad Turkey to move in. When the Greek Cypriots were fanatically massacring the Turks left and right during the 1950s, you had better believe partition was the only way to guarantee their survival... as history has borne out. (After the 1974 coup, coup leader Sampson admitted his plan was to commit genocide against the Turks: "Had Turkey not intervened I would not only have proclaimed << enosis,>> I would have annihilated the Turks in Cyprus." Eleftherotipia, Feb. 26, 1981.)

This is exactly what happened with the Armenians. Peaceful coexistence for long centuries until some fanatics stirred the masses with nationalism and racism, leading to massacres and violence against the Turks... bringing the counter-reaction that led to the Armenians and Greeks holding the short end of the stick. When that happens, they can?t handle the responsibility for their own criminal actions, and thus it becomes easy to point fingers at the Terrible Turk. They?ve got the money and the sympathy of the West, and thus it becomes easy for Michael Cacoyannis to produce a propaganda film, leading The London Times to gush (according to a blurb on the video box), ?One of the best records of history in the making.? Not if you define ?history? as a dispassionate account, London Times!



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 11:09

And Lastly:

In a speech on Sept. 4, 1962 at Panayia, Makarios said, "Until this Turkish community forming part of the Turkish race that has been the terrible enemy of Hellenism is expelled, the duty of the heroes of EOKA can never be considered terminated."



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 11:10

As your point of view:

Voice-over of a Greek-Cypriot complaining of the Turkish "barbarians," while her pictured friend weeps

Does she mean her own fascists? Nope.



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: SearchAndDestroy
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 13:26

Hold on, while this has nothing to do with America and I really don't want to get America involved in this issue, what do you mean by America would do it?

"America would have done it,Armenia would have done it.If i ran to any nation screaming idiots right after a commited crime that would be the last time you would be seeimg me"

If your talking about the American-mexican border we don't beat on them and we don't shoot at them. We capture hundreds everyday trying to cross the border and we take them to jail, ID them and deport them back to mexico. They try to run from the border patrol all the time, but they don't get away, we have guys on horseback, in helicopters, and other vehicles. I can guarantee you that the border patrol doesn't beat on people and would only use any kind of force if the illegal alien tried to use force against them, which I never heard a case of yet.



Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 13:45

Solomou case admitted by Human Rights Court. (July 9, 1999)

The European Court of Human Rights has declared as admissible the case of the family of Solomos Solomou, shot dead by Turks during a peaceful demonstration against the Turkish occupation of Cyprus held in Dherynia in August 1996, who filed a suit against Turkey in Strasbourg in February.

The Court ruled that the application of the Solomou family was admissible after Turkey abstained from submitting any observations on its admissibility and a hearing on its merits will follow.

The Court is initially asking Turkey to justify Solomou's death in view of its claims that he was attempting to take down the Turkish flag.

The Court agrees with the view of the Cypriot lawyers that the Turkish flag was flying illegally on Cypriot territory.

The family of Tassos Isaac, who was clubbed to death in the buffer zone during the Dherynia events, has also filed an application to the European Court of Human Rights.

(Cyprus Press and Information Office)



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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 13:49

Unarmed National Guard soldier shot and killed inside the United Nations buffer zone. (June 4, 1996)

  • http://www.kypros.org/Cyprus_Problem/soldier.html#1 - [1] UN Security Council - Press Release SC/6236
  • http://www.kypros.org/Cyprus_Problem/soldier.html#2 - [2] Irish Times - Shooting of soldier was `cold-blooded murder'


[1] UN Security Council - http://www.un.org/plweb-cgi/idoc.pl?1959+unix+_free_user_+www.un.org..80+un+un+pr+pr+ - Press Release SC/6236

[...]
Through its unanimous adoption of resolution 1062 (1996), the Council deplored the tragic incident of 3 June in which a Greek Cypriot National Guardsman was fatally shot within the United Nations buffer zone. It called on the military authorities of both sides to respect the integrity of the zone, ensure that no further incidents occur along it, prevent hostile actions, including live fire against UNFICYP, grant the Force complete freedom of movement, and cooperate fully with it.
[...]
"3. Deplores the tragic incident involving the fatal shooting of a Greek Cypriot National Guardsman inside the United Nations buffer zone on 3 June 1996, as well as the hindering by Turkish Cypriot soldiers of UNFICYP personnel attempting to assist the National Guardsman and investigate the incident, as documented in the report of the Secretary-General of 7 June 1996;"
[...]
Secretary-General's Reports
[...]
He cites, in particular, an incident in which an unarmed National Guard soldier was shot and killed inside the United Nations buffer zone in central Nicosia. The lethal round was fired by a Turkish Cypriot soldier whom UNFICYP observed entering the buffer zone with his rifle strung across his back. Shortly thereafter, a single shot was heard and the Turkish Cypriot soldier was seen running back to the Turkish cease-fire line. UNFICYP soldiers were prevented for some 25 minutes from reaching the National Guard soldier by Turkish Cypriot soldiers, who fired shots in their direction each time they tried to move forward.
[...]


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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 13:52

List of the Original & Turkified Village names of Occupied Cyprus

Original Name Turkified Name
' Achna Duzce
Avgolida Kurtulus
Angastina Aslankoy
Angolemi Taspinar
Agridaki Alemdag
Ayia Dilekkaya
Agyrta Agirdag
Ag Amvrosios Esentepe
Ag Andronicos Yesilkoy
Ag Vasileios Turkeli
Ag Georgios Ker Karaoglanoglu
Ag Georgios Lefkas Madenlikoy
Ag Georgios Sp Aygun
Ag Eirini Akdeniz
Ag Epiktitos Catalkoy
Ag Ermolaos Sirinevler
Ag Evstathios Zeybekkoy
Ag Elias Yarkoy
Ag Theodoros Cayirova
Ag Iakovos Altinova
Ag Marina Gurpinar
. Ag Nikolaos Ammoch Yamackoy
Ag Nikolaos Lef Yamac
Ag Sergios Yenibogazici
Ag Symeon Avtepe
Ag Trias Sipahi
Ag Chariton Ergenekon
Akanthou Tatlisu
Aloa Atlilar
Amadies Gunebakan
Ammochostos Magusa
Ampelikou Baglikoy
Argaki Akcay
Ardana Ardahan
Arnadi Kuzucuk
Arsos Lrc Yigitler
Artemi Aridami
Assia Pasakoy
Asomatos Ozhan
Avlona Gayretkoy
Afania Gazikoy
- Acheritou Guvercinlik
Vathylakas Derince
Varisha Sirin
Vasilia Karsiyaka
Vasili Gelincik
Vatili Vadili
Vitsada Pinarli
Vokolida Bafra
Vouno Taskent
Vrishia Yagmuralan
Voni Gokhan
Genagra Nergisli
Galatia Mehmetcik
Galini Omerli
Galinoporni Kaleburnu
Gastria Kalecik
Gaidouras Korkuteli
Gerani Turnalar
Gerolakkos Alaykoy
Gialousa Yenierenkoy/Maltepe
Goufes Camlica
Gypsou Akova
Davlos Kaplica
Diorios Tepebasi
Dio Potami Ikidere
Engomi Tuzla
Elia M Doganci
Elia Yesiltepe
Exometochi Duzova
Epicho Cihangir
Eptakomi Yedikonuk
Thermia Dogankoy
Karmi Karaman
Kazafani Ozankoy
Gaziveran Gaziveren
Kalogrea Bahceli
Kalochorio Lefkas Camlikoy
Kalopsida Cayonu
Kalivakia Kalavac
Kampyli Hisarkoy
Kanli Kanlikoy
Kapouti Kalkanli
Karakoumi Karakum
Karavas Alsancak
Karavostasi Gemikonagi
Karpasia Karpasa
Katokopia Zumrutkoy
Kerynia Girne
Keumurju Komurcu
Geunyeli Goneyli
Klepini Arapkoy
Knodara Gonendere
Kilanemos Esenkoy
Kondea Turkmenkoy
Kondemenos Kordemen-Kilicaslan
Kormakitis Korucan
Kornokipos Gornec
Korovia Kuruova
Kourou Mon Cukurova
Koutsoventis Gungor
Kouklia Koprulu
Kridia Kilitkaya
Krini Pinarbasi
Kythrea Degirmenlik
Kyra Mevlevi
Kokkina Erenkoy
Koma Yialou Kumyali
Komi Kepir Bugukkonuk
K Dikomo As Dikmen
K Zodia As Bostanci
Lapathos Bogazici
Lapithos Lapta
Larnaka L Kozan
Livadia Sazlikoy
Leonarisso Ziyamet
Lefcosia Lefkosa
Levconiko Gecitkale
Lefka Lefke
Livera Sadrazamkoy
Limnitis Yesilirmak
Limnia Mormeneksi
Louroudjina Akincilar
Loutros Bademlikoy
Lythrangomi Boltasli
Lyssi Akdogan
Mandres Agillar
Massari Sahinler
Makrasyka Incirli
Maratha Murataga-Atlilar-Sandalla
Marathovouno Ulukisla
Melanagra Adacay
Melounta Mallidag
Melousha Kirikkale
Milia Yildirim
Mia Milia Haspolat
Ortakioy Ortakoy
Mousoulita Kurudere
Beykeuy Beykoy
Bogaz K Bogaz K
Bogazi Bogaz
Monarga Bogaztepe
Mora Meric
Morfou Guzelyurt
Motides Incesu
Myrtou Camlibel
Neta Taslica
Neapoli Yenisehir
Neochorio Kythr Minarelikoy
Nikitas Guneskoy
Xerovounos Kurutepe
Xeros Denizli
Ovgoros Ergazi
Orga Kayalar
Panagra Gecitkoy
Bellapais Bellabayis
Pergamos Beyarmudu
Petra Digeni Yenicekoy
Petra Taskoy
Palekythro Balikesir
Paleosofos Malatya
Patriki Tuzluca
Pentayia Yesilyurt
Pervolia Tr Bahceler
Peristeronari Cengizkoy
Peristerona Ovacik-Alanici
Piyi Alanici
Pileri Goceri
Platani Cinarli
Platanissos Balalan
Potamos K Yedidalga
Prastio M Aydinkoy
Prastio Dortyol
Prosfygochori Gocmenkoy
Pyrga Pirhan
Pyroi Gaziler
Pyla Pile
P Dikomo Yu Dikmen
P Zodia Yu Bostanci
Rizokarpaso Dipkarpas
Sinta Inonu
Santalaris Sandallar
Selemani Suleymaniye
Skylloura Yilmazkoy
Spathariko Otuken
Strongylos Turunclu
Stylli Mutluyaka
Sychari Kaynakkoy
Sirianochori Yayla
Syngrasi Sinerustu
Sisklipos Akcicek
Templos Zeytinlik
Tavros Pamuklu
Chatoz Serdarli Cattoz
Trapeza Besparmak
Trachonas Kizilbas
Trikomo Iskele
Trachoni Demirhan
Tremetoushia Erdemli
Trimithi Edremit
Trypimeni Tirmen
Timpou Kirklar
Filia Serhatkoy
Flamoudi Mersinlik
Fterycha Ilgaz
Fotta Dagyolu
Chartzia Karaakac
Hamid Mandres Hamitkoy
Chrysiliou Yuvacik
Psyllatos Sutluce


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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 13:54

DESTRUCTION OF THE CULTURAL IDENTITY OF THE OCCUPIED AREA

The Times

"It is important to distinguish between random damage that might have been caused by drunks after a night out, and the demolition of crosses, tombstones and heavy marble slabs which weigh several hundredwieht and would need men with sledgehammers to destroy them. We found nothing to fit the first category. In fact, at Dhavlos, on the north coast, now occupied by mainland Turks, even the graveyard wall was partly demolished. Not a single tombstone remained standing...

..the process of obliterating everything Greek has been carried out methodically. The churches and graveyards have suffered severely."

"The Times", 5.27.1976

The little treasure house of Antiphonitis Monastery, in the mountains north of Lefkoniko, had sustained the most comprehensive looting and damage....the 11th, 12th, and 15th century icons..all had vanished or had been destroyed. The nineteenth and twentieth century icons were smashed, the furniture broken. In the corner were bags of cement and the remains of a fire. Furniture had been lugged outside onto the grass, and the whole place was a strewn with bottles and filth. Somebody was clearly proud of this work, for the wrecked iconostasis the date was chalked March 6, 1975."

"The Times", 5.27.1976

The report (August 9)from the Cyprus Director of Antiquities on the recent looting or desecration of the mosaics in the church of Panayia Kanakaria in the Turkish occupied north of Cyprus has reopened the debate on the fate of churches, monasteries and mosques on that unhappy island.

As a journalist I have travelled widely and freely on both sides of the partition line. In Turkish Cyprus there was large scale damage to churches in the immediate aftermath of the 1974 intervention. That was perhaps understandahle. More recently, historic churches have been seized, stripped and whitewashed and converted into mosques. One example is on the fringes of Nicosia, another outside Famagusta. Others have been desecrated.

Less than a year ago, travelling in the company of Mr. Mustapha Adiloglou, press official in London of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus we came across a desecrated church in the centre of a busy village between Famagusta and Nicosia. Fresh excrement and urine lay on the smashed altar and the floor. The church Bible had been used as toilet paper and the wall paintings gashed and disfigured. The icons had vanished. From the state of the place it was clear that this was not a single act of violation. The place obviously had been a public convenience for months.

In fairness one should add that some churches (particularly tourist conscious Kyrenia) have been restored by the rurkish authorities and are either open for prayer or tourism or securely locked.

"The Times", 19.8.80



-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 13:57

Yenidyzen

"The Turkish Cypriot Arts Society leader, Ali Atakan, in a statement issued on May 20 revealed yet more antique smuggling. According to this revelation, a valuable Byzantine mosaic has been stolen from a Byzantine Church in the village of Lythrangomi. There are two inter-connected churches in the village and the mosaic was stolen from the apse of the older church which dates back to the 8th century..."

Turkish Cypriot "Yenidyzen", 6.1.1982

You will see chambers cut out of the rocks, lighthouses, the remains of baths, layouts and the military camps set up on the ruins both before and after 1974... Today Lambousa is a military zone closed to tourists. Here are many important churches and the mythological Akhiropietos Monastery. Now you cannot see it because it is being used as a military warehouse. The icons stolen from Lambousa were retrieved while being smuggled out of Ankara airport."

Le Monde

"The antiques are illegaly exported from the northern part of the island, especially rich in archaeological sites'

"Le Monde", 12.27.1978

Bozkurt

"The Cyprus Arts Society in the occupied areas issued a press release saying that the antique smuggling in the occupied areas has reached enourmous dimensions and that measures should be taken to protect the destruction of the antiques."

Turkish Cypriot "Bozkurt", 7.4.1982

The Guardian

"We visited 26 former Greek villages. We found not a single undesecrated cemetery..."

"...The vandalism and desecration are so methodical and so widespread that they amount to institutionalised obliteration of everything sacred to a Greek ... In some instances, an entire graveyard of 50 or more tombs had been reduced to pieces or rubble no larger than a matchbox...we found the chapel of Ayios Demetrios at Ardhana empty but for the remains of the altar plinth, and that was fouled with human excrement... At Syngrasis ... the broken crucifix was drenched in urine.. At Lefkoniko ...the interior of Gaidhouras church... was overlooked by an armless Christ on a smashed crucifix... Tombs gaped open wherever we went...crosses bearing the pictures of those burried beneath ... had been flattened and destroyed.

"The Guardian", 'The Rape of northern Cyprus', 5.6.1976

Ortam

"The trial of the director sic of Kyrenia Museum, Mehmet Rasih, has ended with the case being referred to the "criminal court". The trial is connected with the 3 chests of antiques discovered in Turkey on their way to Germany, on 16.3.1981... The number of the missing icons or substituted icons were 225 ...later it was found that large icons had been sawn down to smaller sizes and thus entered in the books."

Turkish Cypriot "Ortam", 5.6.1982

Bozkurt

"Two icons estimated to cost arounf TL 1 million were stolen from Kyrenia "Court". The icons stolen from the village church of Karmi 5 months ago were found in the Famagusta district and 4 persons were arrested in connection with the incident. The icons were locked away in Kyrenia "Court-House" to be stolen again."

Turkish Cypriot "Bozkurt", 3.9.1979

The Times

"Confidential United Nations military documents, circulated to officers in the United Nations peace - keeping force in Cyprus, disclose that looting is being systematically carried out on a massive scale by the Turkish and Turkish Cypriot authorities in the north of the island"

"The Times", 12.13.1976

"...historic churches have been seized, stripped and whitewashed and converted into mosques ... Others have been desecrated. ... we came across a desecrated church in the center of a busy village between Famagusta and Nicosia. Fresh excrement and urine lay on the smashed altar and the floor. The church Bible had been used as toilet paper and the wall paintings gashed and disfigured. The icons had vanished. From the state of the place it was clear that this was not a single act of violation. The place obviously had been a public convenience for months. ... On the Greek side all the mosques I have seen are securely locked and protected."

"The Times", 8.19.80

The Sunday Times

"Scotland Yard and Customs Officials are uncovering a highly organized smuggling network behind the trail of antiques looted in Cyprus"

"The Sunday Times", 4.25.1976



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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 13:59

OPEN GRAVES, BROKEN CROSSES...

The Times

The above testimony, by a British journalist, member of the crew of a British TV network which visited the occupied part of Cyprus, proved that the places of rest of the dead became targets of the most intense destruction mania. According to this and other testimonies, the crosses on graves were cut away and broken to pieces. Tombstones were also overturned and crushed to bits, while the invaders violated the graves.

"We managed to check 26 villages in all. Some other villages, such as Marathovouno and Pyrga, were sealed by the Army and access to the church itself was not possible. Since graveyards are usually some way out of the village, these were checkable and, in every instance, we found deliberate and usually comprehensive damage. In no village we visited was the graveyard intact"

"The Times", 5.27.1976

The Guardian

"We visited 26 former Greek villages. We found not a single undesecrated cemetery..."

"The Guardian", 5.6.1976

"The next village had been -until the events of 1974- Greek. Now it is deserted but for Turkish refugee squatters. There are two churches in the village. One has been stripped and converted into a mosque. A few Turkish Cypriots kneel, praying, inside it. The other church has been vandalised. The exterior walls are covered with illegible graffiti. Inside, the destruction is complete. The body of the church is bare of pews or chairs. The alter screen, composed of six-inch timbers, has been wrenched out, the icons have been looted. Among the filth on the floor lies the torn remains of an antique bible. ...The altar ... has been smashed. On the remains of the altar are broken bottles, excrement, and what smells like urine. When asked about the desecrated Greek church and the massacre villages, Rauf Denktash, "president of Turkish Cypriots"...ads that it all shows that Greeks and Turks can no longer live side by side on the island".

"The Guardian", 11.30.1979

OLAY

"Illegal digs are being made in all districts. For example, in Kyrenia, in Ayios Epiktitos, in Nicosia, and in the hills beyond Krini. But, Famagusta is the most suitable for illegal digs. Illegal digs virtually cover the whole district. In this district the first settlements were established and since ancient times they had maintained their historical importance.

Illegal digs in the Karpass start from the cliff in the east, from the small islets in the sea, and from the caves of Galinoporni, and extend to the north-west of the Karpass, to Eptakomi, Ovogoros, Galatia and Ardhana".

Turkish Cypriot, "Olay", 1 7.5. 1982.

The Observer

"Vandals have desecrated scores of British graves in Turkish occupied northern Cyprus, some of them dedicated to First World War soldiers ... The wrecking of British gravestones pales beside the destruction in Christian Greek Orthodox cemeteries ... Every cross has been destroyed and the tombs gape open to the elements, the lizards and the robbers, spurred on by the superstition that the Greeks have valuables buried with them"

"The Observer", 3.29.87

OLAY, April 1982.

"Haven't you heard that the 2000 year old Christian church in Cyprus, St Barnabas' Church, has been robbed? Haven't you heard that 35 icons were stolen, that 11 of them were found in Kythrea, that 11 were retrieved at Ankara airport while being smuggled out, and that the rest are lost? Haven't you heard what's happening in Varosha (Famagusta)? Haven't you heard that figurines belonging to the Catholic period and kept in the Archaelogical Museum have been stolen and smuggled to London? What about the icons in the other churches; the mosaics, the private collections, the illegal digs? Why have they stopped the digs started before 1974 at the city of Gastria, which belongs to the geometric age? Do you know what happened since then? The government has issued permits to certain businessmen from Turkey to set up a gypsum factory there. The tombs were destroyed and plundered."

Mehmet Yasin, "Perishing Cyprus" in the Turkish Cypriot Review "Olay", April 1982.



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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:03

EUROPEAN COMMISSION OF HUMAN RIGHTS

APPLICATION No 8007/77

CYPRUS
AGAINST
TURKEY

REPORT OF THE COMMISSION

(Adopted on 4 October 1983)

RESOLUTION DH (92) 12

(adopted by the Committee of Ministers on 2 April 1992 at the 473rd meeting of the Ministers' Deputies)

I. Missing persons (para 123 above)

The Commission, having found it established in three cases, and having found sufficient indications in an indefinite number of cases, that Greek Cypriots who are still missing were unlawfully deprived of their liberty, in Turkish custody in 1974, noting that Turkey has failed to account for the fate of these persons, concludes by 16 votes against 1 that Turkey has violated Art 5 of the Convention.



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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:06
  • The Sunday Times, 6 November 1977 In an article dated 6/11/1977, the English newspaper The Sunday Times reports the following: "accounts of a widow's murder and of another alleged murder and an attempted murder have been revealed by refugees. Greek Cypriots say the murder was only the latest in a series of incidents in the township of Rizokarpaso, in the isolated north eastern tip of the divided island, aimed at terrorising the township's remaining Greeks into fleeing south and leaving their property for the Turks. The Cyprus government has asked the United Nations peace-keeping force to investigate all three "but the Turks don't allow us to investigate", said a U.N. spokesman."
  • Die Weltwoche, 30 August 1978 In a report published on 30/8/1978 in the German-language Swiss newspaper, Die Weltwoche, Peter Schmid, who visited the occupied part of Cyprus as a guest of the Denktash regime, describes the experience he had during a visit to Rizokarpaso, which reveals the state of terror under which the enclaved live. ZI ordered a drink at the Greek tavern and when the proprietor brought it, I followed him into the kitchen to talk to him in private. The grey-haired man avoided my eyes and evaded every question. "Speak freely," I urged him. "That would be the end", he whispered. Outside, in a covered market place, I found that several hundred Greeks, mainly wrinkled old people had gathered together. When their clothing is distributed, their names are called out and the items of charity are thrown to the recipient."
  • Milliyet, 8-14 January 1979 A Turkish journalist, Refik Erduran, confirms that the enclaved live under inhuman conditions and speaks of the need to rectify this situation, as it would serve Turkish propaganda. In a series of seven articles on the Cyprus problem, published in the Instanbul daily Milliyet (8-14/1/79) he writes that the Cyprus government "repairs and maintains even the empty Turkish Cypriot houses. It also makes sure that the foreigners on the island observe this fact. But the money spent is well worth the positive impression it creates. We too had a trump card we could use in the same way. We could ensure that the handful of Greek Cypriots who remain in the Karpass peninsula could achieve a higher standard of living than the one they enjoyed before. We could meet their educational, transportation and health needs; we could prevent any settler from moving into their villages, we could make sure that they would not feel uncomfortable in any way, we could provide them with credits and agricultural aid. We could almost force them to live better. We could do all this at a cost of 5 to 10 million Turkish liras and the region would pay this money back in produce in a few years. Then we could exhibit this showcase to the whole world.
    But we did not do any of these things. Our inadequacy in propaganda springs not from lack of words but from our inability to make proper use of such opportunities."
  • 24 Heures, 3 June 1980 Having visited Cyprus in 1980, Gilberate Favre of the French-language Swiss newspaper 24 Heures, reported the following:
    "The number of Greek Cypriot refugees is not about to diminish for nearly everyday, Cypriots enclaved in the Karpass region, in the Famagusta district, are expelled by the Turkish army.
    "A quarter of an hour to leave everything" According to refugees' testimonies, the methods of intimidation of the Turkish army are diverse. First of all, there is the daily war of humiliations and "punishments" to give an example of them. There is also an attempt to give this policy of expulsion an aspect of legality although, in actual fact, it is contrary to the Charter of Human Rights. "I was given a quarter of an hour to leave my house and my village", a refugee says. "Turkish soldiers made me sign a statement according to which I wanted to leave my village. Then they took me to the U.N. zone and showed my statement to U.N. soldiers." ... Nodding his head saddly, an old man, who has lived under Turkish occupation for four years, tells me that he was willing to put up with almost anything in order to remain in his house and in his ancestral village."


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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:09
the New York Times" of 27.12.1963:
"Most of the fighting centered on a police station occupied by Turks in Nicosia, and on family apartments in the suburb of Omorphita. These were overrun and occupied by Turks who chased off Greek families. They were reported to have killed an unspecified number of women and children".

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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:16

Newspaper: Yeniduzen, 17.6.95
Title: Turkish Cypriot Teachers Union opposes integration with Turkey


Turkish Cypriot Teachers' Union opposes integration with Turkey
According to YENIDUZEN (17.6.95) the Turkish Cypriot Teachers Trade Union (KTOS) has declared that in case integration with Turkey is realized this will mean that no Turkish Cypriots will remain in Cyprus. KTOS announced that it is against any solution which will make Turkish Cypriots emigrate from Cyprus.
The executive committee of the trade union, in a written statement, accused Denktash of dragging the Turkish Cypriots, through his known tactics, into a dangerous adventure.
The statement further says that Denktash, through his known tactics, is trying to create a situation, using the recent Cyprus EU Association Council decision as an excuse to further his known ideas.
The paper stresses that the EU resolution is not different from previous EU decisions.
The statement urges the Turkish Cypriot leadership, instead of pushing the problem up-hill and rendering its solution difficult, to co-operate and try to solve the problem and enter into membership with the EU.
"Turkish Cypriots can only live in peace and democracy in their own country if a permanent solution to the Cyprus problem is found. If integration with Turkey is realized, the Turkish Cypriots will start emigrating from the island as soon as possible. Consequently there will be no Turkish Cypriots left in Cyprus. Is this the aim of some circles in Cyprus?
KTOS, from the day it was established, has always defended the Turkish Cypriots living in their own country in peace and under democratic conditions. KTOS will continue its struggle for the finding of a lasting solution to the Cyprus problem. It will continue to oppose any solution that will result in the Turkish Cypriots emigrating from Cyprus.
We believe and state that a lasting solution to the Cyprus problem is not only in the interest of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities but is in the interest of Greece and Turkey as well", concludes the statement.

 TURKISH COLONIZATION

Gunaydin

"In the place of our people who flee abroad to earn their living, people come from Turkey under the name of 'labour force'. This labour force is turned into a vore force for conservative, chauvinist directed politicians...We are faced with the danger of becoming a minority in northern Cyprus..foreigners in our own homeland"
Ozker Ozgur, leader of Turkish (Cypriot) Republican Party, in Turkish Gunaydin 1.7-14.1986

Berliner Extra Dienst

"...These settlers ... will be used ... in the long term changes in the demographic composition of the island against Greek Cypriots. [...] This tendency for settlement belies the pretext that the 1974 "peace-operation" had as its aim the interests of the Turkish Cypriot community"
"Berliner Extra Dienst", 8.5.1977

Der Spiegel

"...The settlers from Anatolia took most of the houses left behind by the Greeks, as well as fields and machinery. This caused resentment on the part of the Turks who came from the south [Turkish Cypriots] and who felt they had been wronged in the sharing of Greek loot..." "Der Spiegel", 7.17.1978

NRC-Handelsblad

"...Turkish Cypriots ...believe that more than 100,000 mainland Turks have already moved into previously Greek-Cypriot houses..."
'Trick conceals flood of Turks to Cyprus' in "NRC-Handelsblad" (Netherlands), 7.4.1979

The Guardian

"They invaded in two separate waves. They camped along the Attila Line, holding 36 per cent of Cyprus. They have not budged since. Worse, they have relentlessly filled northern Cyprus with mainland immigrants, squeezing all but a handfull of Greeks from their territory.
...Who can woder...that the Greeks fear not merely permanent division along the Attila Line but, at some suitable future moment with some suitable future excuse, a further Turkish push to swallow all of Cyprus? Will world opinion be any more help then that it is now?..." 'Words won't shift Turkey' in "The Guardian", 8.30.1979

Noticiero Universal

"From the 200,000 refugees -nearly one-third of the total population- around 18,500 remained enclaved in the Turkish region and were under sustained pressure to abandon their homes. Thus in their place 50,000 Turkish settlers from Anatolia have been accommodated, who altered the demographic character of the occupied territories, and obtained title of "permanent" ownership of these properties..."
Nati Gutierrez, 'A slow agony scourges the "Island of Love" ' in "Noticiero Universal", 1.17.85

La Croix

"...These settlers were given land and properties belonging to Greek Cypriots, chased away in the south... In a few days they [settlers] were allocated Cypriot nationality [sic] so that they could vote during the elections in favour of Denktash's administration and their behavious, rapes, thefts, and dealing with drugs were overlooked.
...The colonization by the continental Turks, is denounced by the Turkish Cypriots themselves who suffer from its consequences."
"La Croix", 7.11.1980

 

The Spectator

"In spite of past hatreds, many Turkish Cypriots say they regret the exodus of the Greeks and even that they feel more affinity with these fellow Cypriots than they do with the mainland Turks, especially the Anatolians. We call them A.A. for 'Anatolian Apes' said one local sophisticate. The mainlanders are accused of boorishness, arrogance, looting and not going away.." "The Spectator", 9.16.1978



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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:37
Originally posted by SearchAndDestroy

Hold on, while this has nothing to do with America and I really don't want to get America involved in this issue, what do you mean by America would do it?

"America would have done it,Armenia would have done it.If i ran to any nation screaming idiots right after a commited crime that would be the last time you would be seeimg me"

If your talking about the American-mexican border we don't beat on them and we don't shoot at them. We capture hundreds everyday trying to cross the border and we take them to jail, ID them and deport them back to mexico. They try to run from the border patrol all the time, but they don't get away, we have guys on horseback, in helicopters, and other vehicles. I can guarantee you that the border patrol doesn't beat on people and would only use any kind of force if the illegal alien tried to use force against them, which I never heard a case of yet.

Oh no no no no no!You got me wrong sorry.I was giing examples wich was clearly wrong.(exept armenians)



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:41

1st Report of the European Commission of Human Rights Turkey's invasion in Cyprus and aftermath (20 JULY 1974 - 18 MAY 1976)

Part of the Introduction

After overruling Turkey's objection the Commission of Human Rights considered: "the evidence before the Commission and the facts established on the basis of this evidence cannot be seen as presenting a view of the events and incidents complained of mainly from the Greek Cypriot side. The Commission observes in this connection that: - certain events and incidents referred to in the applications are in great part a matter of public knowledge. In particular, the massive movement of population from the northern to the southern part of Cyprus after 20 July,1974 is an indisputable fact which, as such, calls for no particular investigation; the Commission has based its findings in part on reports of other international organizations, in particular the United Nations; - the witnesses heard by the Commission's Delegation in Cyprus testified, with little exception, with a restraint and objectivity that gave credibility to their testimony; some of them confirmed a number of statements in the Particulars of the Applications about which they could not have had any direct knowledge; - in the evaluation of the evidence before it, the Commission has refrained from drawing any conclusions from the fact that the respondent Government, despite every opportunity being offered to them, failed to make any statements, or to proposed counterevidence on the applicant Government's allegations". (Report, p.31)

Here are the Contents:
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Killings - Killings
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Displacement_Of_Persons - Displacement of persons (Creating refugees)
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Deprivation_Of_Liberty - Deprivation of liberty
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Mass_Rapes - Mass rapes
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Torture - Torture & inhuman treatment
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Deprivation_Of_Possessions - Deprivation of possessions, looting and wanton destruction
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Discrimination - Discrimination
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#No_Remedy - No remedy

Killings

Relevant Article of the European Convention on Human Rights:
" Everyone's right to life shall be protected by law. No one shall be deprived of his life intentionally." (Article 2)
Charge laid against Turkey:

The Turkish Army embarked upon a systematic course of mass murders of civilians unconnected with any war activity, including women and babies in arms, and soldiers who had surrendered.

Turkish defense:

No answer was given to these charges. Turkey boycotted the Commission's proceedings once her jurisdictional objection was rejected.

Commission's verdict:

By 14 votes to 1 the Commission, after examining a number of killings at specific places, held that the evidence before it constituted "strong indications of killings committed on a substantial scale" (para.346). The Commission concluded: " In view of the very detailed material before it on other killings alleged by the applicant Government, the Commission, by fourteen votes against one, concludes from the whole evidence that killings happened on a larger scale than in Elia. There is nothing to show that any of these deprivations of life were justified... " (Report, p.165)
Further relevant facts:

Greek National Guardsmen and civilians were killed in the field and in bombing raids on civilian targets, including hospitals. In these raids the Turkish Air Force used napalm. These killings were not the subject of the application to the European Commission on Human Rights, being rather breaches of the Geneva Conventions.

http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]  

Displacement of persons (Creating refugees)

Relevant Article of the European Convention on Human Rights:
" Everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life and his home..." (Article 8)
Charge laid against Turkey:

The Turkish Army displaced 200,000 Greek Cypriots (more than one third of the population) from their homes. This was effected partly by physical expulsion and partly by a systematic campaign of terror, causing Greek Cypriots to flee in the face of Turkey's advancing armed forces. Refugees and expellees were not permitted by the Turkish Army to return to their homes in the Turkish occupied area.

Turkish defense:

No answer was given to these charges. Turkey boycotted the Commission's proceedings once her jurisdictional objection was rejected.

Commission's Verdict:

" Displacement of persons:

1. The Commission concludes by thirteen votes against one that, by the refusal to allow the return of more than 170,000 Greek Cypriot refugees to their homes in the north of Cyprus, Turkey violated, and was continuing to violate Art. 8 of the Convention in all these cases. When hostilities ended some Greek Cypriots were able to return to their homes near the cease-fire lines in areas under UN or Government control thus reducing the number of refugees to 170,000.
2. The Commission concludes by twelve votes against one that, by the eviction of Greek Cypriots from houses, including their homes, by their transportation to other places within the north of Cyprus, or by their deportation across the demarcation line, Turkey has equally violated Art. 8 of the Convention.
3. The Commission concludes by thirteen votes against one that by the refusal to allow the return to their homes in the north of Cyprus of several thousand Greek Cypriots who had been transferred to the south under inter-communal agreements, Turkey violated, and was continuing to violate Art. 8 of the Convention in all these cases.
4. The Commission concludes by fourteen votes against one with one abstention that, by the separation of Greek Cypriot families brought about by measures of displacement in a substantial number of cases, Turkey has again violated Art.8 of the Convention." (Report, p.163).
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]  

Deprivation of liberty

Relevant Article of the European Convention on Human Rights:
" No one shall be deprived of his liberty.." (Article 5)
Charge laid against Turkey:

The Turkish armed forces detained thousands of persons arbitrarily and without lawful authority. On entering any inhabited area they immediately rounded up all Greek Cypriot inhabitants (many women & children were hiding in their homes). On capture men were separated and detained apart from old people, women and children, who were either put in "concentration camps" or expelled. On the hundreds kept in such camps small babies to old people of 90 were crowded together under atrocious conditions without sanitary facilities at the height of summertime, when temperatures reach over 40 o C. The worst such "concentration camps" were Voni, Marathovouno, Vitsada and Gypsou. In addition, Turkish authorities held some 3,000 inhabitants of the Kyrenia district in the Kyrenia Dome Hotel & in Bellapais village. Many male Greek Cypriots were temporarily sent as "prisoners of war" to places like Saray Prison & Pavlides Garage in the Turkish part of Nicosia, later being transported to Turkey and detained in prisons in Adana, Amasia and Atiama. It is notable that the great majority of those shipped to Turkey were civilians of all ages between 17 and 70. Article 49.1 of the Geneva Convention, 1949, Fourth Schedule, provides that: "individual or mass forcible transfers,as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not are prohibited, regardless of their motive." The transfer of civilians to Turkey show the contempt exhibited by the Turkish Army for the principles of international law. Turkey has never provided complete lists of detainees and the fate of about 3,000 Greek Cypriots was unknown at the time of the first applications to the Commission. Because evidence showed numbers of these missing persons had been in custody in Turkey the Commission was asked to investigate whether they were still imprisoned there.

Turkish defense:

No answer was given to these charges. Turkey boycotted the Commission's proceedings once her jurisdictional objection was rejected.

Commission's Verdict:

" Detention centers:

1. The Commission,by thirteen votes against one, concludes that, by the confinement of more than two thousand Greek Cypriots to detention centres established in schools and churches at Voni, Gypsou and Morphou, Turkey has violated Art.5(1) of the Convention.
2. The Commission by thirteen votes against one, further concludes that, by the confinement of Greek Cypriots to private houses in Gypsou and Morphou, where they kept under similar circumstances as in the detention centres, Turkey has equally violated Art.5(1).
3. The Commission, by ten votes against two with two abstentions, finally concludes that, by the CONFINEMENT of Greek Cypriots to the Kyrenia Dome Hotel after 14 August 1974, Turkey has again violated Art.5(1).
Prisoners and detainees:
1. The Commission, by thirteen votes against one, concludes that the detention of Greek Cypriot military personnel in Turkey was not in conformity with Art.5(1) of the Convention.
2. The Commission, by thirteen votes against one, concluded that the DETENTION of Greek Cypriot civilians IN Turkey was equally not in conformity with Art.5.(1)" (Report, p.164). Evidence on missing persons: The evidence before the Commission does not allow a definite finding with regard to the fate of Greek Cypriots declared to be missing. This is partly due to the fact that the Commission's Delegation was refused access to the northern/occupied/part of Cyprus and to places in Turkey where Greek Cypriot prisoners were or had been detained. In the present Report the Commission is only concerned with the fate of persons declared to be missing as from the beginning of the military action of Turkey on 20 July 1974. It is not concerned with any person missing due to the coup d'etat which on 15 July 1974 preceded the above action... It appears, however, from the evidence that: it is widely accepted that "a considerable number of Cypriots" are still " missing as a result of armed conflict in Cyprus" i.e. between Turkey and Cyprus; a number of persons declared to be missing have been identified as Greek Cypriots taken prisoner by the Turkish army. The Commission considers that there is a presumption of Turkish responsibility for the fate of persons shown to have been in Turkish custody. However,on the basis of the material before it, the Commission has been unable to ascertain whether, and under what circumstances, Greek Cypriot prisoners declared to be missing have been deprived of their life" (Report, paras. 347-349, and 351)
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]  

Mass rapes

Relevant Article of the European Convention an Human Rights:
" No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment..." (Article 3)
Charge laid against Turkey:

Turkish troops were responsible for wholesale and repeated rapes of women of ALL AGES from 12 to 71, sometimes to such an extent that the victims suffered haemorrages or became mental wrecks. In some areas, enforced prostitution was practiced, all women and girls of a village been collected and put into separate rooms in empty houses where they were raped repeatedly. In certain cases members of the same family were repeatedly raped, some of them in front of their own children. In other cases women were brutally raped in public. Rapes were on many occasions accompanied by brutalities such as violent biting of the victims causing severe wounding, banging their heads on the floor and wringing their throats almost to the point OF suffocation. In some cases attempts at rape were followed by the stabbing or killing of the victims. Victims included pregnant and mentally retarted women.

Turkey's defense:

No answer was given to these charges and Turkey boycotted the Commission's proceedings once her jurisdictional objection was rejected.

Commission's verdict:

" The evidence shows that rapes were committed by Turkish soldiers and at least in two cases even by Turkish officers, and this NOT ONLY in some isolated cases of indiscipline. It has not been shown that the Turkish authorities took adequate measures to prevent this happening or that they generally took any disciplinary measures following such incidents. The Commission therefore considers that the non-prevention of the said acts is imputable to Turkey under the Convention.
The Commission, by 12 Votes against one, finds that the incidents of rape described in the above cases and regarded as established constitute "inhuman treatment" in the sense of Art.3 of the Convention, which is imputable to Turkey" (Report, paras. 373-4)
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]  

Torture and inhuman treatment

Relevant Article of the European Convention on Human Rights:
" No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment..." (Article 3)
Charges laid against Turkey:

Hundreds of persons, including children, women and elderly people, were the victims of systematic torture and SAVAGE and humiliating treatment during their detention by the Turkish army. They were beaten; sometimes to the extent of being incapacitated. Many were subjected to tortures such as whipping, breaking of the teeth, knocking their heads on the wall, beating with electrified clubs, extinction of cigarettes on their skin, jumping and stepping on their chest and hands, pouring dirty liquids on them, piercing them with bayonets etc. Many of these detainees were ill-treated to such an extent that they became mental and physical wrecks. Among the persons so treated were those deported to and imprisoned in Turkey (of whom most were civilians). During their transportation and detention they were savagely ill-treated, being wounded, beaten, kicked, whipped, blindfolded, handfettered punched to the extent of bleeding, etc. These brutalities reached their climax after the cease fire agreements and resolutions of the U. N. Security Council calling for an end to hostilities. In fact most of these acts were committed when Turkish armed forces were not engaged in any war activities. More than 1,000 statements obtained from witnesses described their ill-treatment. Such statements showed a pattern of behaviour by the Turkish forces, proving that the atrocities were deliberate tactics which the invading forces were to follow. The aim was to terrorise, destroy and eradicate the Greek population of the Turkish occupied area so that it would be vacant to move in Turks, thus creating an area populated virtually only by Turks.

Turkey's defense:

No answer was given to these charges and Turkey boycotted the Commission's proceedings once her jurisdictional objection was rejected.

Commission's verdict:

" The Commission by twelve votes against one,concludes that prisoners were in a number of cases physically ill-treated by injuries and at least in one case the death of the victim. By their severity they constitute "inhuman treatment" and thus violations of Art.3, for which Turkey is responsible under the Convention.
The Commission by twelve votes against one, concluded that the withholding of an adequate supply of food and drinking water and of adequate medical treatment from Greek Cypriot prisoners held at Adana and detainees in the northern area of Cyprus, with the exception of Pavlides Garage & Saray prison, again constitutes, in the cases considered as established and in the conditions described, "inhuman treatment" and thus a violation of Art.3, for which Turkey is responsible under the Convention" (Report, pp.165-166) The Commission did not find sufficient evidence that prisoners held in these two locations in the Turkish sector of Nicosia were guarded by Turkish soldiers - as opposed to Turkish-officered Turkish Cypriot "forces" (para. 308)
"The evidence obtained established that, in a considerable number of cases prisoners were severely beaten or otherwise physically ill-treated by Turkish soldiers" (Report, para.393) The Commission, by twelve votes against one,concludes that the written statements submitted by the applicant Government constitute indications of ill-treatment by Turkish soldiers of persons not in detention" (Report, p.166)
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]  

Deprivation of possessions, looting and wanton destruction

Relevant Article of the European Convention on Human Rights:
"Every natural or legal person is entitled to the peaceful enjoyment of his possessions. No one shall be deprived of his possessions..." (Article 1 of Protocol No.1)
Charge laid against Turkey:

Greek Cypriots were deprived of their possessions either by eviction or by seizure of movable property and its subsequent removal by Turkish soldiers, or by conditions making abandonment of home and property the only wise course as life and limb were at risk from the Turkish army. When privately owned land & houses belonging to Greek Cypriots in the Turkish occupied areas came under Turkey's control,most of this was distributed to Turkish Cypriots and to Turks brought from Turkey to settle in those areas. To preclude any Greek Cypriots from reclaiming their possessions,Turkish authorities forcibly prevented their return and continued to expel most remaining Greek Cypriots. In various official statements the Turkish Government made it clear that Turkey was organizing marketing of all agricultural production in the occupied area. The same applied to tourism and Turkey took over all Greek Cypriot manufacturing industry. Goods already manufactured & agricultural produce ready for marketing were shipped abroad in Turkish vessels. In addition, the Turkish Army systematically looted houses and business premises belonging to Greek Cypriots. Even properties of those Greek Cypriots who had remained in the Turkish occupied army part not escape this fate. Most loot was loaded into Turkish army vehicles & buses seized from Greek Cypriots, and a substantial part, including vehicles, animals, household goods,and building equipment, was transported by Turkish naval vessels to the mainland. The Turkish Army also engaged in wanton destruction. Turkish soldiers attempted to burn down all buildings along "the green line" in Nicosia, and orchards and crops belonging to Greek Cypriots were set on fire after cessation of hostilities. Witnesses also described breaking of doors and windows of houses, the smashing of furniture icons, candles and other church property and killing of animals. The destruction of Christian & Hellenic monuments was a significant feature of Turkey's occupation. Religious property was a particular target in an attempt to destroy the cultural identity of the occupied area. Not only were religious items & church equipment smashed, set on fire or looted, but most Greek Orthodox churches not converted into mosques were vandalized. Mosaics and even frescos were either defaced or removed. This occurred in military zones under control of the Turkish Army and from which Turkish Cypriots were excluded. Even archaeological museums and sites did not escape vandalisation and initial looting.

Turkey's defense:

No answer was given to these charges and Turkey boycotted the Commission's proceedings once her jurisdictional objection was rejected.

Commission's verdict:

"The Commission accepted that the 170,000 Greek Cypriots displaced from the occupied area had left behind their movable & immovable possessions and referred to "the established fact that these displaced persons are allowed to return to their homes in the north, and thus to property left there" (Report para.471)
The Commission went on to find "proof of taking and occupation of houses and land by Turkish Cypriots and Turks from the mainland, both military personnel and civilians" (Report para. 472) Moreover the Commission accepted " testimony as proving beyond reasonable doubt that looting and robbery on an extensive scale by Turkish troops and Turkish Cypriots have taken place... As regards such deprivations of possessions by Turkish Cypriots, the Commission considers that, insofar as the persons committing them were acting under the direct order or authority of the Turkish forces of which there is evidence, the deprivation must equally be imputed to Turkey under the Convention..."
The Commission, by 12 votes against one, finds it established that there has been deprivation of possesions of Greek Cypriots on a large scale, the exact extent of which could not be determined. This deprivation must be imputed to Turkey under the Convention and it has not been shown that any of these interferences were necessary for any of the purposes mentioned in Article 1 of Protocol No.1" (Report, paras 472-486)
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]  

Discrimination

Relevant Article of the European Convention on Human Rights:
"The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in this Convention shall be secured without discrimination on any ground such... as race, ... language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with a national minority... or other status" (Article 14)
Charge laid against Turkey:

The acts of the Turkish Army were exclusively directed against the Greek Cypriot community with the object of destroying and, eradicating the Greek population of the Turkish occupied area so as to move therein Turks, thereby artificially creating a Turkish populated area. All Turkey's atrocities were directed against Greek Cypriots (though some foreign subjects who happened to be or have property in the Turkish occupied area were also affected by some such acts e.g. looting and wanton destruction of property).

Turkish defense:

No answer was given to these charges and Turkey boycotted the Commissions proceedings once her jurisdictional objection had been rejected.

Commission's Verdict:

" The Commission has found violations of a number of Articles of the Convention. It notes that the acts violating the Convention were exclusively directed against members of one of the two communities in Cyprus, namely the Greek Cypriot community. The Commission concludes by eleven votes to three that Turkey has thus failed to secure the rights and freedoms set forth in these Articles without discrimination on the grounds of ethnic origin, race and religion as required by Art.14 of the Convention (Report, para. 503)
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report1.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]  

No remedy

Relevant Article of the European Convention on Human Rights:
" Everyone whose rights and freedoms as set forth in this Convention are violated shall have an effective remedy..." (Article 13)
Charge laid against Turkey:

None of the victims of the ruthless and evil deeds by Turkish State organs and her Armed Forces was ever given any opportunity to vindicate his rights before an authority or tribunal as provided by Articles 6 and 13 of the Convention. Persons under Turkish control were not even permitted to talk without Turkish supervision to the International Red Cross. In short, no effective remedy of any kind was afforded either in the Turkish occupied area or in Turkey itself in respect of Turkish atrocities.

Turkish defense:

In its jurisdictional objection, Turkey argued that remedies were availale before the competent judicial authorities in Turkey or before the military courts of the Turkish forces in Cyprus.

Commission's findings:

The Commission held that such remedies had not been shown to be "practicable and normally functioning". Nor had it been established that such complaints could be effectively handled. (Admissibility Report, at p. 22 of the Report). The Commission at the hearing on the merits reiterated that it had found no evidence that effective and suficient remedies were available. (Report, paras. 499-501)


-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:42

OK.There were killings on both sides.I totally agree now

Euoropen commition of rights accepted both cases.I never heard of ht result

Smuggling against massackere.Not a match



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:43

2nd Report of the European Commission of Human Rights Turkey's invasion in Cyprus and aftermath (19 MAY 1976 -to 10 February 1083)

New population expulsions, Turkish colonization, aggravated and continuing violations

Turkey's violations of the convention

Cyprus, as a state concerned in proceedings under the Convention is not at liberty to publish any Report by the Commission on the merits (final factual findings) until such time as the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe decides on publication. Accordingly, final factual findings, if any, by the Commission cannot be set out here. Nonetheless Cyprus charges against Turkey can be disclosed as these were published in October 1978 by the Commission after it had declared Cyprus' application admissible, i.e. that it would fully investigate and that Turkey had to answer a prima facie case made out by Cyprus.

Turkey's Objections

Turkey, as in the earlier applications, raised every conceivable technical objection to the Commission's jurisdiction. In particular it claimed that no application could be considered because:

-Turkey did not recognize the government of Cyprus

Commissions ruling:

The Government of the Republic was internationally recognized, but in any event to allow Turkey to avoid enforcement of the Convention "by asserting that they do not recognize the Government..would defeat the purpose of the Convention" (Admissibility Report, The Law, para. 13).
-Turkey had no control over the occupied area which was under the exclusive jurisdiction of a "Turkish Federated State of Cyprus".

Commission's Ruling:

Turkey's jurisdiction in Cyprus could not be excluded by asserting that such an entity "allegedly exercised jurisdiction". It was the presence of Turkish Armed Forces, operating solely under direction of the Turkish Government and acting as "authorized agents of Turkey", which prevented the Government of the Republic of Cyprus from exercising jurisdiction in the occupied area, and Turkey was responsible for her Army's actions (Ibid., paras. 23-25).
Further proceedings:

In November 1983 the Commission announced that it had adopted its Report. According to Article 31.1 of the Convention this Report would have been

"on the facts and stating its opinion as to whether the facts found disclose a breach by the State concerned of its obligations under the Convention".

The substance underlying the proceedings n Cyprus vs. Turkey (Third Application).

Here are the Contents:
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Missing_persons - Missing persons
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Displacement_of_persons - Displacement of persons and separation of families
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Deprivation_of_possessions - Deprivation of possessions
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Discrimination - Discrimination
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#No_remedies - No remedies
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Deprivation_of_liberty - Deprivation of liberty
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Deprivation_of_life - Deprivation of life
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Ill_Treatment - Ill-treatment
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Forced_labor - Forced labor

Missing persons

Relevant articles of the European Convention on Human Rights:
"Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. No one shall be deprived of his liberty..." (Article 5)
"Everyone has the right to respect for his ...family life..." (Article 8)
Charge laid against Turkey:

About 2,000 Greek Cypriots, a considerable number being civilians, are still missing. They were last seen alive in the occupied area of Cyprus after hostilities had ceased and under arrest by the Turkish army or armed Turks acting under its direction. Many had been seen in detention in prisons in Turkey or in Cyprus. Turkey nonetheless continued to prevent any investigation by international Committee of the Red Cross. For 9 years, Turkey through her puppet regime, declined to act on 5 UN General Assembly Resolutions which sought to activate a humanitarian Committee on Missing Persons to investigate the fate of all Cypriots missing as a result of the invasion. In response there was prevarication, refusal to co-operate and addition of new and obstructive conditions.

Fresh evidence about some of the missing persons last seen alive in Turkish detention revealed that some were in Adana and Amasia prisons in Turkey. others had been photographed after their surrender or in Turkish ships on their way to Turkey. Yet others had been heard on Turkish radio, broadcasting messages to their families. In the absence of proof that the missing persons had been killed or had died, Turkey was responsible for continuing deprivation of liberty of all those persons shown to have been in her custody.

Grace infringement of family rights had also occurred. Families suffered severely, being uncertain whether their loved ones were alive or dead because no account had been given of the fate of those who had disappeared although in Turkish custody.

Turkey's defense:

Turkey was not represented at the oral hearing after the Commission's dismissal of her jurisdictional objections, which included the objection that more than six months had passed since it was known that 2,000 Greek Cypriots were missing.

Commission's verdict:

The Commission, having found it established in three cases, and having found sufficient indications in an indefinite number of cases, that Greek Cypriots who are still missing were unlawfully deprived of their liberty, in Turkish custody in 1974, noting that Turkey has failed to account for the fate of these persons, concludes by 16 votes against one that Turkey has violated Article 5 of the Convention.
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]

Displacement of persons and separation of families

Relevant article of the European Convention of Human Rights:
"Everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence". (Article 8)
Charge laid against Turkey:

The Turkish army sealed off the demarcation line running across the island and known as the green line in Nicosia. They physically prevented about 190,000 displaced Greek Cypriots (now including children born as refugees) from returning to their homes, and continued this policy without remission for a decade, thus aggravating earlier Turkish violations of refugees' rights for which the Commission had as long ago as 1976 condemned Turkey.

Turkey's continuing failure to allow families who had fled across the line to be reunited with their remaining relatives in the occupied area was an aggravating factor.

Condition for the 8,000 Greek Cypriots who remained in the occupied area in 1976 (mainly in Karpasia) were so harsh that between 1976 and 1979, about 7,000 were forced to sign applications to leave after suffering violence, threats, curfews, looting, forced labor, refusal of medical facilities and denial of secondary education. Most of the violence and harassment was effected through Anatolian settlers. Those Greek Cypriots who remained in the occupied area were often separated from their children: in order to receive an adequate education, children had to be sent in the free area and were not permitted by Turkey to return unless they formally acknowledged Turkish jurisdiction over Cyprus.

Turkey's defense:

At the admissibility stage, Turkey put forward jurisdictional objections. It should be borne in mind that Turkey's attitude, manifested in the first two applications, was to refuse to participate in Commission proceedings -in default of her procedural obligations under the Convention- once her jurisdictional objections were overruled. Turkey did not appear at the oral hearing in March 1983.

Commission's verdict:

The Commission concludes by thirteen votes against one that, by the refusal to allow the return of more than 170,000 Greek Cypriot refugees to their homes in the north Cyprus, Turkey violated and was continuing to violate Article 8 of the Convention in all these cases.
The Commission concludes by twelve votes against one that, by the eviction of Greek Cypriots from houses, including their own homes, by their transportation to other places within the north of Cyprus, or by the deportation across the demarcation line, Turkey has equally violates Article 8 of the Convention.
The Commission concludes by thirteen votes against one that, by the refusal to allow the return to their homes in the north of Cyprus to several thousand Greek Cypriots who had been transferred to the south under inter-communal agreements, Turkey violated, and was continuing to violate Article 8 of the Convention in all these cases.
The Commission concludes by fourteen votes against one with one abstention that, by the separation of Greek Cypriot families brought about by measures of displacement in a substantial number of cases, Turkey has again violated Article 8 of the Convention.
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]

Deprivation of possessions

Relevant article of the European Convention of Human Rights:
"Every natural person is entitled to the peaceful enjoyment of the possession. No one shall be deprived of his possessions..." (Protocol No. 1 Article 1)
Charge laid against Turkey:

The Greek Cypriot refugees who had been driven from their homes or had fled at the time of Turkey's invasion or soon thereafter continued to be deprived of their property by the Turkish Armed Forces' refusal to allow them to return. Under Turkey's direction there was now a consolidation of informal seizures. The Turkish Cypriot puppet authorities purported in 1977 to pass a so-called "Law to Provide for the Housing and Distribution of Land and Property of Equal Value" and amended this in 1982 to give semi-permanent definitive certificates of possession to Turkish settlers (including soldiers of the occupation force) and Turkish Cypriots who had been handed Greek Cypriots property.

Wholly new deprivations occurred in respect of the 7,000 Greek Cypriots (mainly from the Karpass) who, under duress, were compelled to leave their homes and possessions and to move to the free area.

More wanton destruction of cultural objects, especially of Greek Orthodox churches and religious treasures, also occurred. Remaining antiquities were discovered to be "saleable" and found their way via Turkish hands to international dealers. Turkish Cypriots wrote about destruction, pillage, theft, smuggling, and plunder.

Turkey's defense:

At the admissibility stage, Turkey put forward jurisdictional objections. It should be borne in mind that Turkey's attitude, manifested in the first two applications, was to refuse to participate in Commission proceedings -in default of her procedural obligations under the Convention- once her jurisdictional objections were overruled. Turkey did not appear at the oral hearing in March 1983.

Commission's verdict:

The Commission by twelve votes against one, finds it established that there has been deprivation of possessions of Greek Cypriots on a large scale, the exact extent of which could not be determined. This deprivation must be imputed to Turkey under the Convention and it has not been shown that any of these interferences were necessary for any of the purposes mentioned in Article 1 of Protocol 1. The Commission concludes that this provision has been violated by Turkey.
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]

Discrimination

Relevant article of the European Convention of Human Rights:
"The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in this Convention shall be secured without discrimination on any ground such as race... religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with a national minority... or other status". (Article 14)
Charge laid against Turkey:

Most of Turkey's violations were directed against members of one community only, namely the Greek Cypriot community, because of their ethnic origin, race and religion. Turkey's aim was to eliminate all traces of Greek civilization and to set up a demographically homogeneous ethnically Turkish and Muslim state in the occupied area. In another context this would be condemned as apartheid or cultural genocide.

Turkey's defense:

At the admissibility stage, Turkey put forward jurisdictional objections. It should be borne in mind that Turkey's attitude, manifested in the first two applications, was to refuse to participate in Commission proceedings -in default of her procedural obligations under the Convention- once her jurisdictional objections were overruled. Turkey did not appear at the oral hearing in March 1983.

Commission's verdict:

Having found violations of a number of Articles of the Convention, the Commission notes that the acts violating the Convention were exclusively directed against members of one of two communities in Cyprus, namely the Greek Cypriot community. It concludes by eleven votes to three that Turkey has thus failed to secure the rights and freedoms set forth in these Articles without discrimination on the grounds of ethnic origin, race, religion as required by Article 14 of the Convention.
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]

No remedies

Relevant article of the European Convention on Human Rights:
"Everyone whose rights and freedom... are violated shall have an effective remedy..." (Article 13)
Charge laid against Turkey:

In respect of new and continuing violations from May 1976 onwards no effective remedy was provided by Turkey, whether in her own courts or those of the area she occupied. Indeed, in the occupied area Turk's puppet regime had purported to enact "Constitution", depriving Greek Cypriots of virtually all human rights and conferring "constitutional protection" in respect of many rights only on Turks.

Turkey's defense:

At the admissibility stage, Turkey put forward jurisdictional objections. It should be borne in mind that Turkey's attitude, manifested in the first two applications, was to refuse to participate in Commission proceedings -in default of her procedural obligations under the Convention- once her jurisdictional objections were overruled. Turkey did not appear at the oral hearing in March 1983.

Commission's verdict:

The Commission by thirteen votes against one and with two abstentions, has found no evidence that effective remedies, as required by Article 13 of the Convention, were in fact available.
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]

Deprivation of liberty

1. Enclaved persons

The Commission, by eight votes against five and with two abstentions, concludes that the curfew imposed at night on enclaved Greek Cypriots in the north Cyprus, while a restriction of liberty, is not a deprivation of liberty within the meaning of Article 5(1) of the Convention.
The Commission, by twelve votes against two abstentions, further concludes that the alleged restrictions of movement outside the built-up area of villages in the north Cyprus would fall within the scope of Article 2 of Protocol No. 4, not ratifiedby either Cyprus or Turkey, rather within the scope of Article 5 of the Convention. It is therefore unable to find a violation of Article 5 insofar as the restrictions imposed on Greek Cypriots in order to prevent them from moving freely outside villages in the north of Cyprus are imputable to Turkey.

2. Detention centers

The Commission, by thirteen votes against one, concludes that, by the confinement of more than two thousand Greek Cypriots to detention centers established in schools and churches at Voni, Gypsou and Morphou, Turkey has violated Article 5(1) of the Convention.
The Commission, by thirteen votes against one, further concludes that, by the confinement of Greek Cypriots to private houses in Gypsou and Morphou, where they were kept under similar circumstances as in the detention centers, Turkey has equally violated Article 5(1).
The Commission, by ten votes against two with two abstentions, finally concludes that, by the confinement of Greek Cypriots to the Kyrenia Dome Hotel after 14 August 1974, Turkey has violated Article 5(1).

3. Prisoners and detainees

The Commission, by thirteen votes against one, concludes that the detention of Greek Cypriot military personnel in Turkey was not in conformity with Article 5(1) of the Convention.
The Commission, by thirteen votes against one, concludes that the detention of Greek Cypriot civilians in Turkey was equally not in conformity with Article 5(1).
Considering that it was unable to establish the imputability to Turkey under the Convention of the detention of 146 Greek Cypriots at Saray prison and Pavlides Garage in the Turkish sector of Nicosia, the Commission, by ten votes against two abstentions, does not consider itself called upon to express an opinion as to the conformity with Article 5 of the detention of Greek Cypriot prisoners in the north of Cyprus.
The Commission by fourteen votes against none, with two abstentions, has not found it necessary to examine the question of a breach of Article 5 with regard to persons accorded the status of prisoners of war.
The Commission by seven votes against six with three abstentions, decided not to consider as a separate issue the effect of detention on the exercise of the right to respect for one's private and family life and home (Article 8 of the Convention).
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]

Deprivation of life

The Commission, by fourteen votes against one, considers that the evidence before it constitutes very strong indications of violations of Article 2 of the Convention by Turkey in a substantial number of cases. The Commission restricted the taking of evidence to a hearing of a limited number of representative witnesses and the Delegation, during the period fixed for the hearing of witnesses, heard eye-witnesses only concerning the incident of Elia. The evidence obtained for this incident establishes the killing of twelve civilians near Elia by Turkish soldiers commanded by an officer contrary to Article 2.
In view of the very detailed material before it on other killings alleged by the applicant Government, the Commission by fourteen votes against one, concludes from the whole evidence that killings happened on a larger scale that in Elia.
There is nothing to show that any of these deprivations of life were justified under paras. (1) or (2) of Article 2.
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]

Ill-treatment

The Commission, by twelve votes against one, finds that the incidents of rape described in the cases referred to and regarded as established constitute "inhuman treatment" and thus violations of Article 3, for which Turkey is responsible under the Convention.
The Commission, by twelve votes against one, concludes that prisoners were in a number of cases physically ill-treated by Turkish soldiers. These acts of ill-treatment caused considerable injuries and at least in one case the death of the victim. By their severity they constitute "inhuman treatment" and thus violations of Article 3, for which Turkey is responsible under the Convention.
The Commission, by twelve votes against one, concludes that the withholding of an adequate supply of food and drinking water and of adequate medical treatment from Greek Cypriot prisoners held at Adana and detainees in the northern area of Cyprus, with the exception of Pavlides Garage and Saray prison, again constitutes, in the cases considered as established and in the conditions described, "inhuman treatment", and thus a violation of Article 3, for which Turkey is responsible under the Convention.
http://www.mit.edu/~petros/Cyprus/Euro_HRCommission_Report2.html#Contents - [Go back to Contents]

Forced labor

The Commission by eight votes against three and with one abstention, finds that the incompleteness of the investigation with regard to the allegations of forced labor does not allow any conclusions to be made on this issue.


-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:44

The proof is my links up there



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:45

3rd Report of the European Commission of Human Rights Turkey's invasion in Cyprus and aftermath

(11 February 1983 to date)

Currently continuing violations of human rights in Cyprus

As Turkey seeks to perpetuate her occupation of northern Cyprus new violations as well as continuing breaches of rights manifest themselves:

Continuing Breaches

Displacement of persons

Unremitting refusal to allow 180,000 Greek Cypriot refugees to return to the occupied area and to allow any displaced Turkish Cypriots to return to the Government-controlled area.

Deprivation of homes and properties

In May 1985 the puppet regime in the Turkish occupied area purported to introduce a "Constitution", Article 159 of which expropriated all immovable property belonging to Greek Cypriots displaced by Turkey, much of this property being taken for the use of the Turkish Army. In September 1986, the Turkish settler and Cypriot coalition "Government", announcing their program, declared that in place of definitive possession certificates they would now start giving title deeds conferring full ownership on those who had earlier been allocated Greek Cypriot-owned land.

New Breaches

Public threats to settle Varosha (Famagusta)

Turkey's puppet regime has repeatedly threatened, with an increasing intensity in 1986, to settle the as yet unoccupied Varosha area of Famagusta with Turks, instead of returning it to its 35,000 lawful inhabitants, the Greek Cypriot refugees of Varosha. (Mr Ecevit declared that Varosha could never be returned, Ankara Radio, 7.25.1986).

Threats to occupy the free area

Threats that the Turkish army will occupy the southern part of Cyprus, which is under control of the Government of the Republic, are leaked by the Turkish Government and Army to Turkey's major newspapers.



-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:45
One more thing;we were discussing who shot first and wether there was an attack on the Turks or not.We concluded that.what are you talking about?

-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:48
 


10.5.2001

Press release issued by the Registrar

JUDGMENT IN THE CASE OF CYPRUS v. TURKEY

In a Grand Chamber judgment delivered at Strasbourg on 10 May 2001 in the case of Cyprus v. Turkey (application no. 25781/94), the European Court of Human Rights held, by sixteen votes to one, that the matters complained of by Cyprus in its application entailed Turkeys responsibility under the European Convention on Human Rights.

The Court held that there had been the following 14 violations of the Convention (see http://www.mit.edu/~petros/echr2001.htm - Decision of the Court for details):

Greek-Cypriot missing persons and their relatives

  • a continuing violation of Article 2 (right to life) of the Convention concerning the failure of the authorities of the respondent State to conduct an effective investigation into the whereabouts and fate of Greek-Cypriot missing persons who disappeared in life-threatening circumstances;

  • a continuing violation of Article 5 (right to liberty and security) concerning the failure of the Turkish authorities to conduct an effective investigation into the whereabouts and fate of the Greek-Cypriot missing persons in respect of whom there was an arguable claim that they were in Turkish custody at the time of their disappearance;

  • a continuing violation of Article 3 (prohibition of inhuman or degrading treatment) in that the silence of the Turkish authorities in the face of the real concerns of the relatives attained a level of severity which could only be categorised as inhuman treatment.

Home and property of displaced persons

  • a continuing violation of Article 8 (right to respect for private and family life, home and correspondence) concerning the refusal to allow the return of any Greek-Cypriot displaced persons to their homes in northern Cyprus;

  • a continuing violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 (protection of property) concerning the fact that Greek-Cypriot owners of property in northern Cyprus were being denied access to and control, use and enjoyment of their property as well as any compensation for the interference with their property rights;

  • a violation of Article 13 (right to an effective remedy) concerning the failure to provide to Greek Cypriots not residing in northern Cyprus any remedies to contest interferences with their rights under Article 8 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

Living conditions of Greek Cypriots in Karpas region of northern Cyprus

  • a violation of Article 9 (freedom of thought, conscience and religion) in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus, concerning the effects of restrictions on freedom of movement which limited access to places of worship and participation in other aspects of religious life;

  • a violation of Article 10 (freedom of expression) in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in so far as school-books destined for use in their primary school were subject to excessive measures of censorship;

  • a continuing violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in that their right to the peaceful enjoyment of their possessions was not secured in case of their permanent departure from that territory and in that, in case of death, inheritance rights of relatives living in southern Cyprus were not recognised;

  • a violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 (right to education) in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in so far as no appropriate secondary-school facilities were available to them;

  • a violation of Article 3 in that the Greek Cypriots living in the Karpas area of northern Cyprus had been subjected to discrimination amounting to degrading treatment;

  • a violation of Article 8 concerning the right of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus to respect for their private and family life and to respect for their home;

  • a violation of Article 13 by reason of the absence, as a matter of practice, of remedies in respect of interferences by the authorities with the rights of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus under Articles 3, 8, 9 and 10 of the Convention and Articles 1 and 2 of Protocol No. 1.

Rights of Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus

  • a violation of Article 6 (right to a fair trial) on account of the legislative practice of authorising the trial of civilians by military courts.

The Court further held that there had been no violation concerning a number of complaints, including all those raised under: Article 4 (prohibition of slavery and forced labour), Article 11 (freedom of assembly and association), Articles 14 (prohibition of discrimination), Article 17 (prohibition of abuse of rights) and Article 18 (limitation on use of restrictions on rights) read in conjunction with all those provisions. As regards a number of other allegations, the Court held that it was not necessary to consider the issues raised.

The Court also decided, unanimously, that the question of the possible application of Article 41 (just satisfaction) of the Convention was not ready for decision.

1.  Principal facts

The case relates to the situation that has existed in northern Cyprus since the conduct of military operations there by Turkey in July and August 1974 and the continuing division of the territory of Cyprus. In connection with that situation, Cyprus maintained that Turkey had continued to violate the Convention in northern Cyprus after the adoption of two earlier reports by the European Commission of Human Rights, which were drawn up following previous applications brought by Cyprus against Turkey.

In the Convention proceedings, Cyprus contended that Turkey was accountable under the Convention for the violations alleged notwithstanding the proclamation of the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus" in November 1983 and the subsequent enactment of the "TRNC Constitution" in May 1985. Cyprus maintained that the "TRNC" was an illegal entity from the standpoint of international law and pointed to the international communitys condemnation of the establishment of the "TRNC". Turkey, on the other hand, maintained that the "TRNC" was a democratic and constitutional State, which was politically independent of all other sovereign States, including Turkey. For that reason, Turkey stressed that the allegations made by Cyprus were imputable exclusively to the "TRNC" and that Turkey could not be held accountable under the Convention for the acts or omissions on which those allegations were based.

2.  Procedure

The application was lodged with the European Commission of Human Rights on 22 November 1994. Having declared the application admissible on 28 June 1996, the Commission appointed Delegates who took evidence in respect of various matters raised by the application in Strasbourg (27-28 November 1997), Cyprus (21-24 February 1998) and London (22 April 1998). Having concluded that there was no basis on which a friendly settlement could be secured, the Commission, following an oral hearing, adopted a report on 4 June 1999 in which it established the facts and expressed an opinion as to whether the facts disclosed the alleged breaches by Turkey of its obligations under the Convention.

The case was referred to the Court by the Government of the Republic of Cyprus on 30 August 1999 and by the Commission on 11 September 1999. The panel of the Grand Chamber of the Court decided that the case should be examined by the Grand Chamber.

 

3.  Composition of the Court

Judgment was given by the Grand Chamber of seventeen judges, composed as follows:

Luzius Wildhaber (Swiss), President,
Elisabeth Palm (Swedish),
Jean-Paul Costa (French),
Luigi Ferrari Bravo (Italian),
Lucius Caflisch (Swiss),
Willi Fuhrmann (Austrian),
Karel Jungwiert (Czech),
Marc Fischbach (Luxemburger),
Botjan Zupani (Slovenian),
Nina Vaji (Croatian),
John Hedigan (Irish),
Margarita Tsatsa-Nikolovska (FYROMacedonia),
Tudor Panru (Moldovan),
Egils Levits (Latvian),
Anatoly Kovler (Russian), judges,
Kutlu Tekin Fuad, ad hoc judge in respect of Turkey,
Silvio Marcus-Helmons, ad hoc judge in respect of Cyprus,

and also Michele de Salvia, Registrar.

4.   Complaints

Before the Court, Cyprus alleged violations of the Convention under Articles 1 (obligation to respect human rights), 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, Articles 1 and 2 of Protocol No. 1, and Articles 14, 17, and 18. According to Cyprus, these Articles were violated as a matter of administrative practice by the respondent State.

The allegations concerned the following issues:

(a) Greek-Cypriot missing persons and their relatives

In respect of Greek-Cypriot missing persons, it was alleged that, if any were still in Turkish custody, this would constitute a form of slavery or servitude contrary to Article 4 and a grave breach of their right to liberty under Article 5. In addition, Cyprus maintained that there had been a violation of Articles 2 and 5 on account of Turkeys failure to carry out an investigation into the disappearance of these persons in life-threatening circumstances and to account for their whereabouts.

In respect of the relatives of missing persons, Cyprus alleged violations of Articles 3, 8 and 10 on account of the Turkish authorities consistent and continuing failure to provide information on the fate of the missing persons.

(b) Home and property of displaced persons

Cyprus complained, among other things, under Article 8 (the continuing refusal to allow Greek Cypriots to return to their homes and families in northern Cyprus; implantation of Turkish settlers in northern Cyprus to the detriment of the demographic and cultural environment of northern Cyprus), Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 (denial of access to and enjoyment of property, re-assignment of property, withholding of compensation and deprivation of title), Article 13 of the Convention (failure to provide any remedy to displaced persons in respect of the alleged violations of Article 8 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1) and Article 14 taken in conjunction with the preceding Articles (discrimination against Greeks and Greek Cypriots as regards, among other things, enjoyment of their property). Cyprus further invoked Article 3 (discrimination against displaced persons amounting to ill-treatment), and Articles 17 (abuse of rights) and 18 (impermissible use of restrictions on rights).

(c) Living conditions of Greek Cypriots in the Karpas region of northern Cyprus

As regards the Karpas Greek Cypriots, Cyprus relied on, among other things, Articles 2 (denial of adequate medical treatment and services), 3 (discriminatory treatment; in particular in view of their advanced age, the restrictions placed on them and methods of coercion used were said to amount to inhuman and degrading treatment), 5 (threat to security of person and absence of official action to prevent this), 6 (lack of a fair hearing before an independent and impartial tribunal established by law for the determination of their civil rights), 8 (interference with their right to respect for their private and family life, home and correspondence), 9 (interference with their right to manifest their religion on account of restrictions on their freedom of movement and access to places of worship), 10 (excessive censorship of school-books and restrictions on importation of Greek-language newspapers and books), 11 (impediments to their participation in bi or inter-communal events or gatherings), 13 (denial of an effective remedy in respect of their complaints) and 14 (discrimination on racial, religious and linguistic grounds), and Articles 1 (interference with the property of deceased Greek Cypriots as well as with the property of such persons who permanently leave northern Cyprus) and 2 (denial of secondary-education facilities to Greek-Cypriot children) of Protocol No. 1.

(d) Complaints relating to Turkish Cypriots, including members of the Gypsy community, living in northern Cyprus

Cyprus alleged, among other things, violations in relation to Turkish Cypriots who are opponents of the "TRNC" rgime of Articles 5 (arbitrary arrest and detention), 6 (trial by "military courts"), 8 (assaults and harassment by third parties), 10 (prohibition of Greek-language newspapers and interference with the right to freedom of expression), 11 (denial of the right to associate freely with Greek Cypriots), Article 1 of Protocol No.1 (failure to allow Turkish Cypriots to return to their properties in southern Cyprus). Violations were also alleged of Articles 3, 5, 8 and 13 and Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 in relation to the treatment of Turkish-Cypriot Gypsies living in northern Cyprus.

5.  Decision of the Court

Preliminary issues

The Court considered, unanimously, that, notwithstanding Turkeys failure either to submit a memorial to the Court or to attend the oral hearing held on 20 September 2000 and to plead these issues afresh, it had jurisdiction to examine those preliminary issues raised by Turkey in the proceedings before the Commission which the Commission reserved for the merits stage.

The Court held, unanimously, that the applicant Government had both locus standi to bring the application, given that the Republic of Cyprus was the sole legitimate government of Cyprus, and a legitimate legal interest in having the merits of the application examined since neither of the resolutions adopted by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on the Commissions previous reports had resulted in a decision which could be said to be dispositive of the issues raised in the application. Furthermore, the Court, unanimously, confirmed the Commissions conclusion that situations which ended more than six months before the date of introduction of the application (22 May 1994) fell outside the scope of its examination.

As to Turkeys denial of liability under the Convention for the allegations made against it, the Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that the facts complained of in the application fell within the "jurisdiction" of Turkey within the meaning of Article 1 of the Convention and therefore entailed the respondent States responsibility under the Convention. In reaching this conclusion, the Court noted that such a finding was consistent with its earlier statements in its Loizidou v. Cyprus (merits) judgment [ http://www.mit.edu/~petros/echr2001Press.htm#fn - fn ]. In that judgment, the Court had noted that Turkey exercised effective overall control of northern Cyprus through its military presence there, with the result that its responsibility under the Convention was engaged for the policies and actions of the "TRNC" authorities. In the instant case, the Court stressed that Turkeys responsibility under the Convention could not be confined to the acts of its own soldiers and officials operating in northern Cyprus but was also engaged by virtue of the acts of the local administration ("the TRNC"), which survived by virtue of Turkish military and other support.

The Court further held, by ten votes to seven, that, for the purposes of the exhaustion requirements under the former Article 26 (current Article 35 1), remedies available in the "TRNC" may be regarded as "domestic remedies" of the respondent State and that the question of the effectiveness of these remedies had to be considered in the specific circumstances where it arose, on a case-by case basis. The majority of the Court, in line with the majority viewpoint of the Commission, considered, among other things, and with reference to the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice in the Namibia case, that in situations similar to those arising in the present case, the obligation to disregard acts of de facto entities, like the "TRNC", was far from absolute. For the Court, life went on in the territory concerned for its inhabitants and that life must be made tolerable and be protected by the de facto authorities, including their courts. It considered that, and in the interests of the inhabitants, the acts of those authorities could not simply be ignored by third States or by international institutions, especially courts. To hold otherwise would amount to stripping the inhabitants of the territory of all their rights whenever they were discussed in an international context, which would amount to depriving them even of the minimum standard of rights to which they were entitled. In reaching this conclusion, the Courts majority stressed that its reasoning did not in any way legitimise the "TRNC" and reaffirmed the view that the government of the Republic of Cyprus remained the sole legitimate government of Cyprus.

(a) Greek-Cypriot missing persons and their relatives

The Court, unanimously, found that there had been no violation of Article 2 by reason of an alleged violation of a substantive obligation under that Article in respect of any of the missing persons. The evidence before it did not substantiate to the required standard that any of the missing persons were killed in circumstances engaging the respondent States liability.

On the other hand, the Court found, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 2 on account of the failure of the authorities of the respondent State to conduct an effective investigation into the whereabouts and fate of Greek-Cypriot missing persons who disappeared in life-threatening circumstances.

The Court concluded, unanimously, that no violation of Article 4 had been established.

Although it found, unanimously, that it had not been established that, during the period under consideration, any of the missing persons were actually in detention, the Court ruled, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 5 by virtue of the failure of the authorities of the respondent State to conduct an effective investigation into the whereabouts and fate of the Greek-Cypriot missing persons in respect of whom there was an arguable claim that they were in Turkish custody at the time of their disappearance.

As to the relatives of the Greek-Cypriot missing persons, the Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 3. In the Courts opinion, the silence of the authorities of the respondent State in the face of the real concerns of the relatives attained a level of severity which could only be categorised as inhuman treatment.

Having regard to that conclusion, the Court held, unanimously, that it was not necessary to examine whether Articles 8 and 10 of the Convention had been violated in respect of the relatives of the Greek-Cypriot missing persons.

(b) Home and property of displaced persons

The Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 8 by reason of the refusal to allow the return of any Greek-Cypriot displaced persons to their homes in northern Cyprus. Having regard to that conclusion, the Court found, unanimously, that it was not necessary to examine whether there had been a further violation of that Article by reason of the alleged manipulation of the demographic and cultural environment of the Greek-Cypriot displaced persons homes in northern Cyprus. As to the applicant Governments complaint under Article 8 concerning the interference with the right to respect for family life on account of the refusal to allow the return of any Greek-Cypriot displaced persons to their homes in northern Cyprus, the Court held, unanimously, that this complaint fell to be considered in the context of their allegations in respect of the living conditions of the Karpas Greek Cypriots.

Furthermore, the Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 by virtue of the fact that Greek-Cypriot owners of property in northern Cyprus were being denied access to and control, use and enjoyment of their property as well as any compensation for the interference with their property rights.

The Court also held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 13 by reason of the failure to provide to Greek Cypriots not residing in northern Cyprus any remedies to contest interferences with their rights under Article 8 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1. It did not find it necessary (unanimously) to examine whether in this case there had been a violation of Article 14 taken in conjunction with Articles 8 and 13 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1, or whether the alleged discriminatory treatment of Greek-Cypriot displaced persons also gave rise to a breach of Article 3. It was also of the unanimous view that it was not necessary to examine separately the applicant Governments complaints under Articles 17 and 18, having regard to its findings under Articles 8 and 13 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

(c) Living conditions of Greek Cypriots in Karpas region of northern Cyprus

The Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 9 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus. As regards Maronites living in northern Cyprus it found, unanimously, no violation of Article 9. The Court also held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 10 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in so far as school-books destined for use in their primary school were subject to excessive measures of censorship.

The Court further held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in that their right to the peaceful enjoyment of their possessions was not secured in case of their permanent departure from that territory and in that, in case of death, inheritance rights of relatives living in southern Cyprus were not recognised.

The Court also ruled, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in so far as no appropriate secondary-school facilities were available to them.

In addition, the Court found, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 3 in that the Greek Cypriots living in the Karpas area of northern Cyprus had been subjected to discrimination amounting to degrading treatment. It observed in this connection that the Karpas Greek-Cypriot population was compelled to live in a situation of isolation and that its members were controlled and restricted in their movements and had no prospect of renewing or developing their community. For the Court, the conditions under which the population was condemned to live were debasing and violated the very notion of respect for the human dignity of its members. The discriminatory treatment attained a level of severity which amounted to degrading treatment.

The Court further held, by sixteen votes to one, that, from an overall standpoint, there had been a violation of Article 8 concerning the right of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus to respect for their private and family life and to respect for their home. In this connection the Court noted that the population concerned was subjected to serious restrictions on the exercise of these rights, including monitoring of its members movements and contacts. The surveillance effected by the authorities even extended to the physical presence of State agents in the homes of Greek Cypriots on the occasion of social or other visits paid by third parties, including family members. Having regard to that conclusion, the Court found, unanimously, that it was not necessary to examine separately the applicant Governments complaint under Article 8 concerning the effect of the respondent States alleged colonisation policy on the demographic and cultural environment of the Greek Cypriots homes. The Court further found, unanimously, no violation of Article 8 concerning the right to respect for correspondence by reason of an alleged practice of interference with the right of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus to respect for their correspondence.

The Court found, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 13 by reason of the absence, as a matter of practice, of remedies in respect of interferences by the authorities with the rights of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus under Articles 3, 8, 9 and 10 of the Convention and Articles 1 and 2 of Protocol No. 1. On the other hand, it held, by eleven votes to six, that no violation of Article 13 had been established by reason of the alleged absence of remedies in respect of interferences by private persons with the rights of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus under Article 8 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

The Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that no violation of Article 2 had been established by reason of an alleged practice of denying access to medical services to Greek Cypriots and Maronites living in northern Cyprus and, by the same margin, that there had been no violation of Article 5. Furthermore, by eleven votes to six, it held that no violation of Article 6 had been established in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus by reason of an alleged practice of denying them a fair hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal in the determination of their civil rights and obligations. The Court also held, unanimously, that no violation of Article 11 had been established by reason of an alleged practice of denying Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus the right to freedom of association and that no violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 had been established by virtue of an alleged practice of failing to protect the property of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus against interferences by private persons.

The Court decided, unanimously, that it was not necessary to examine whether there had been a violation of Article 14 taken in conjunction with Article 3 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus, having regard to its finding under Article 3 and, by fourteen votes to three, that, having regard to the particular circumstances of this case, it was not necessary to for it to examine whether there had been a breach of Article 14 taken in conjunction with other relevant Articles.

(d) Right of displaced Greek Cypriots to hold elections

The Court held, unanimously, that it was not necessary to examine whether the facts disclosed a violation of the right of displaced Greek Cypriots to hold free elections, as guaranteed by Article 3 of Protocol No. 1.

(e) Rights of Turkish Cypriots, including members of Gypsy community, living in northern Cyprus

Under this heading, the Court, unanimously, declined jurisdiction to examine those aspects of the applicant Governments complaints under Articles 6, 8, 10 and 11 in respect of political opponents of the regime in the "TRNC" as well as their complaints under Articles 1 and 2 of Protocol No. 1 in respect of the Turkish-Cypriot Gypsy community, which were held by the Commission not to be within the scope of the case as declared admissible.

The Court found, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 6 on account of the legislative practice of authorising the trial of civilians by military courts.

The Court further held, unanimously, that there had been no violation of Articles 3, 5, 8, 10 and 11 concerning the rights of Turkish Cypriot opponents of the regime in northern Cyprus by reason of an alleged administrative practice, including an alleged practice of failing to protect their rights under these Articles. By sixteen votes to one, the Court found no violation of Articles 3, 5, 8 and 14 concerning the rights of members of the Turkish-Cypriot Gypsy community by reason of an alleged administrative practice, including an alleged practice of failing to protect this groups rights under these Articles.

It held, unanimously, that: no violation of Article 10 had been established by reason of an alleged practice of restricting the right of Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus to receive information from the Greek-language press; no violation of Article 11 had been established by reason of an alleged practice of interference with the right to freedom of association or assembly of Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus; no violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 had been established by reason of an alleged administrative practice, including an alleged practice of failing to secure enjoyment of their possessions in southern Cyprus to Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus.

By eleven votes to six, the Court found that no violation of Article 13 had been established by reason of an alleged practice of failing to secure effective remedies to Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus.

 

(f) Alleged violations of Articles 1, 17, 18 and former Article 32 4

The Court held unanimously that it was not necessary to examine separately the applicant Governments complaints under these Articles.

Judges Palm, Costa, Jungwiert, Panru, Levits, Kovler, Fuad and Marcus-Helmons expressed partly dissenting opinions, which are annexed to the judgment.

***

The Courts judgments are accessible on its Internet site (http://www.echr.coe.int).

Registry of the European Court of Human Rights
F 67075 Strasbourg Cedex
Contacts: Roderick Liddell (telephone: (0)3 88 41 24 92)
Emma Hellyer (telephone: (0)3 90 21 42 15)
Fax: (0)3 88 41 27 91

The European Court of Human Rights was set up in Strasbourg in 1959 to deal with alleged violations of the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights. On 1 November 1998 a full-time Court was established, replacing the original two-tier system of a part-time Commission and Court.

 



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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:50

An Overview of Turkey's Aims in Cyprus

Large-scale and systematic violations of human rights by States can only be the consequence of deliberately designed State policies. This is particularly true of Turkey's human rights violations in Cyprus where Turkey has, and for more than 30 years has had, clear long-term policy goals:

  1. to secure a military foothold in Cyprus;
  2. to expand this foothold by seizing up to 38% of the island;
  3. to Turkify the occupied part so far as possible by driving out all Greek Cypriots and settling the area with Anatolian settlers and Turkish Cypriots transferred from the free area;
  4. to install a puppet regime under Turkish direction;
  5. economically to integrate the occupied area with Turkey's economy;
  6. to keep a large Turkish Army permanently stationed on Cyprus (claimed by her to be essential for Turkish 'security');
  7. to recover Turkey's power- as under the Ottoman Empire - to decide the island's fate;
  8. to seize the portion of Cyprus that she has not as yet occupied.


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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:59
Think a little will you?I will say once more;ordinary civilians cannot access to secret government policies or plans

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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:01
 

Turks fire shots at British soldiers - no injuries Nicosia

Cyprus News Agency: News in English, October 29, 1996

Shots, fired from the Turkish occupied areas of the Republic, hit a vehicle, carrying two unarmed British soldiers on routine work near Dhekelia base, on the south east of the island, Sean Tully, a spokesman for the bases told CNA. The vehicle was a couple of metres into the Turkish occupied areas of Cyprus, the spokesman explained. Nobody was injured but the British High Commission in Nicosia has already made representations to the self-styled Turkish Cypriot regime about the incident, he added.

The men and their civilian vehicle, a rented pick-up truck, were ''just a couple of metres into the occupied areas,'' a spokesman for the High Commission told CNA. ''One of the bullets fired hit the vehicle, but it is not known how many shots were fired,'' the bases spokesman said.

Today's incident occurred only two-weeks after Turkish troops http://diaspora-net.org/Solomos/kak1.html - shot and killed in cold blood an unarmed Greek Cypriot, Petros Kakoullis , who mistakenly strayed into the occupied areas while collecting snails.

The shooting today took place about one metre from the spot where Kakoullis was murdered. The shots were fired at around 0940 local time (0740 GMT) when the soldiers were checking out concrete pillars marking the British Sovereign Base Area (SBA) northern boundary.

After their vehicle was hit, the soldiers drove off, the spokesman explained. The two soldiers, who belong to the 42nd Survey Engineers Group, were visiting Cyprus on routine work.

The SBA police, Tully said, will conduct an internal inquiry into the circumstances of the incident.



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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:01

In typical Orthodox propagandist fashion, we are not told about the suffering of the other side. Furthermore, would any of this have ever happened if the Greeks did not fire the first shot? Instead, Michael Cacoyannis tries to paint the picture that the Turks acted brutally... but even he doesn?t offer much evidence that the Turks murdered the Greeks being held. Sure, this kind of life disruption and displacement of loved ones isn?t pretty, but if Michael Cacoyannis wanted to point the finger at a guilty party, how dare he fully not lay the blame where it squarely belongs?

 



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:02

Busloads of Greeks return, re-united with their loved ones. Michael Cacoyannis focuses on one saying that he got beaten up by the Turks.

Both from my links



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:02
Resolution of the European Parliament on the situation in Cyprus (19/9/1996)The European Parliament,

- having regard to its previous resolutions on the situation in Cyprus and to its resolution of 12 July 1995 on Cyprus' application for membership of the European Union,

A. deeply shocked by the killings that took place in August
   during a peaceful demonstration for the reunification of the
   island, where two Greek Cypriots were killed and several
   wounded, including two UN peacekeepers, by the security forces
   of the Turkish-occupied part of Cyprus,

B. having regard to the so-called counter-demonstrations
   organised by the Turkish authorities with the active
   involvement and participation of elements belonging to the
   Turkish armed forces and the illegal occupying powers,

C. whereas a large contingent of extremist Turkish "Grey Wolves".
   armed with crowbars and spiked clubs, has been brought from
   Turkey in order to instigate a violent escalation of the so-
   called counter-demonstrations, thereby creating the false
   impression that peaceful coexistence  between Greek and
   Turkish Cypriots is impossible,

D. whereas, according to a statement by the Cypriot Government, a
   member of the Denktash regime has been identified as being
   apparently involved in the assassination of the Greek Cypriot
   Solomos Solomou,

E. whereas these tragic events have been denounced
   internationally and condemned by all governments and
   international organisations,

F. having regard to the urgent need for a fair and viable
   solution, based on international law and the UN resolutions on
   Cyprus, and in accordance with established Community Law,

1. Condemns the murders of the two young Greek Cypriots by the
   Turkish Army of occupation and members of the unlawful
   Denktash regime, and expresses its support for the families of
   the two victims,

2. Expresses deep concern at the indiscriminate use of violence
   by the Turkish occupying forces;

3. Condemns the fact that members of the Turkish extremist
   organisation "Grey Wolves" were brought from Turkey to Cyprus
   so that they could enter into conflict with unarmed
   demonstrators and takes the view that this policy is
   endangering peace and security in Cyprus;

4. Calls on Turkey to cooperate by taking all necessary measures
   to identify, arrest and bring to justice all those implicated
   in the murders and the decision to fire on unarmed civilians;

5. Calls on the United Nations to cooperage in seeking those
   responsible for these crimes;

6. Calls on the Council and Commission, as a matter of urgency,
   to intensify their joint action and joint endeavours to
   resolve the Cyprus problem in accordance with paragraph 19 of
   its abovementioned resolution;

7. Welcomes the decision of the Irish Presidency to maintain a
   special EU representative for the Cyprus problem; asks, in
   this respect, the Council to make every effort to coordinate
   the initiatives of the UN, British and US representatives in a
   joint and more effective action and invites the representative
   of the Council Presidency for Cyprus, Ambassador Kester
   Heaslip, to report also to Parliament on his visits to the
   region during the summer;

8. Supports the proposal of the Cyprus government for the
   demilitarisation of the island and asks Turkey to withdraw its
   occupation forces and abide by the UN resolutions on Cyprus;

9. Appeals to the government of Cyprus and the leadership of the
   Turkish-Cypriot community to continue to look for a peaceful
   and just solution to the Cyprus problem, along the lines of
   relevant UN Security Council resolutions;

10. Deplores the numerous incidents in the neutral zone which
    have caused several victims along both sides of the
    demarcation line;

11. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the
    Council, the Commission, the governments of the Member States
    and the governments and parliaments of Cyprus and Turkey and
    the united Nations.


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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:03
A Mr. Moustakas, active member of EOKA-B, is interviewed. He says General Grivas was one of the great Greek soldiers, giving his all for union with the motherland. When the filmmaker challenges him that the present Greek government favors independence, the man replies that he ?can?t imagine a Greek government against Enosis.? If that should happen, he would not accept it.

Another citizen states that ?Any honest Greek Cypriot has to believe in Enosis. Having Greek blood, we must belong to Greece. Whatever government is in power, junta or democracy, royalist, left or whatever.?



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:04
We move on to why Greek Cypriot forces did not try to repel the Turks. One soldier explains the officers abandoned them to be prisoners of war. The policeman who got shot says the junta was in collusion with the Turks..! Then the Americans are implicated. The politician Makarios is too afraid to venture his opinion, but Clerides says the Americans must have known about the planned coup, and therefore bear responsibility, as they had to have foreseen the Turkish reaction. People carry anti-Kissinger signs. Sampson is challenged on whether he was really a CIA agent, as Jack Anderson reported.


-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:04
Kenan Akin:  "Solomos Solomou was a dog"

         Weekly AKTUEL (31.10.96 - 6.11.96) publishes the text of
an exclusive interview with Kenan Akin, so-called Minister of
Agriculture and Natural Resources.  Under the title, "I wish I was
there during the incident.  I could kill", the interview goes as
follows:

"Question: Were you there on the day of the incident?

Akin: In the morning I was there, at around 9:30 I left.

Question: Did you return after the incident?

Akin:  No.

Question: Did you see your picture published in the Greek Cypriot
press which was taken from television and enlarged?

Akin: Could have.  I was not there when the incident took place.
But I felt sorry for not being there.  I wish I was there.  I
could have pulled the trigger at least once.  I wish I was there,
definitely I was going to shoot.

Question: Don't you think that this is an issue to be tackled by
the security forces?  Apart from this, it is reportedly said that
in your election region you were saying that you have killed and
you took the responsibility.

Akin:  No... During the incident I was on a picnic near the beach
with my wife and my child.

Question: Do you have a gun?

Akin: Yes, but I do not carry it.

Question: Following the claims against you, is there any
investigation against you by your party, by the government or by
the legal organs?

Akin: The esteemed President asked me at one of our meetings.  I
told him I was on a picnic by the beach with my wife and my child.
There was no investigation within the party.  Only our general
chairman put a question at the party's general assembly.  He
should have been convinced of what I had said, so that he would
not have considered it necessary to establish a commission to open
an enquiry.

Question: Do you envisage making any attempt to clear your name of
these claims against you by opening an inquiry?

Akin: These are Greek Cypriot lies.  The other side are educating
their children with Turkish animosity.  You are never writing
this.  Why are you making the killing of a dog sound so
important?"
(MY)


-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:05

The legality of Turkey?s action was upheld even by the Athens Court of Appeal in March 21, 1979. Unlike Michael Cacoyannis, this court lay the blame where it belonged: ?The true guilty ones were the Greek Officers, who organised the coup and thereby created the conditions for an intervention."

 



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:05
At least one refugee says, ?May God strike those who started it! They brought ruin on us by rousing the Turks.?

Another: ?If it wasn?t for those fascists, no Turk would have set foot here.?

And, again, that?s the entire point. No army can expect its soldiers to behave in the most civil manner... sure, some of these country bumpkins with a rifle in their hands are all going to act responsibly. (A jarring reminder was shown in footage of American military boys in Iraq, thinking they were playing another video game, in FAHRENHEIT 9/11.) Therefore, to focus on the violence some have suffered is not the correct angle to pursue, unless one is interested in propaganda... and unless the effect is to demonstrate the criminal cases were meant as a matter of policy. Or maybe Michael Cacoyannis was trying to get his viewer to swallow the Turks were guilty of yet another genocide that the Turks have become so famous for.



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:06
As the CYPRUS MAIL declared on October 27, 1995: ?So now the truth is out. We are not talking about 300 dead, or 45 dead, but 96 people killed during action in 1974.? This and other revelations in the Greek Cypriot press forced the Greek Cypriot administration to lower the number of missing people from 1,619 down to 1,493. Most of the Greeks who died did so at the hands of other Greeks, a fact that the West rarely focuses on... just like many of the Armenians who died (once their revolutionary groups organized, during the 35-plus years before 1915) did so at the hands of other Armenians. (During the three year stretch of 1904-07, two out of three Armenians killed died at the hands of Armenians.)


-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:18

 

 

Drug Money Laundering booming in Turkey and Turkish-Occupied Cyprus

By Orya Sultan Halisdemir / Turkish Daily News
Sat April 12, 1997

London- A BBC news report has named Turkey and the [illegal entity set by the Turkish occupation army called] "Turkish Republic of northern Cyprus (TRNC)" as major countries where British drug dealers' money is laundered. On its lunch time news program on Friday, the BBC 1 television channel claimed that 90 percent of heroin found in Britain came through Turkey. It alleged that the "TRNC" was the destination for many British drug dealers to launder their money. "The heroin manufactured either in or near the lawless fringe of eastern Turkey reaches Europe," the correspondent claimed.

"Northern Cyprus has more banks that its population needs. More than 60 banks for 80,000 people. Regulations are loose and supervision light for this green destination of shady money," a correspondent from the "TRNC" stated. Add in to this more than 30 casinos where money changes ownership illegally and quickly and it is a perfect combination for money laundering," he added. Customs officials are in no doubt that Cyprus is a destination for money laundering, the BBC correspondent claimed. "What we are seeing is couriers taking money out of this country in large quantities and taking it either to countries that are supplying heroin or to other countries such as Cyprus," Michael Newsom from Customs investigation told the reporter.

"The heroin coming through Turkey passes on into Europe and eventually to Britain. But when it comes to paying, Britain's drug dealers take their money to the more welcoming climate of northern Cyprus where it can be bandied around until its ownership is confused and then it could be taken to Turkey," the correspondent pointed out, adding that since the Turkish army entered Cyprus in 1974, Turkish Cypriots had been isolated from the entire world apart from Turkey. According to Turkish Cypriot authorities there is nothing wrong with their laws and nothing illegal happening in Cyprus itself, said the reporter. "If Britain wants changes then it must produce hard evidence of criminal activities," he quoted the Turkish Cypriots as saying.

"The "TRNC Foreign Minister" Taner Etjin says that northern Cyprus, in order to strengthen its economy, needs to develop every legitimate business it can," the BBC journalist said. We have night clubs, casinos. We cannot support money laundering actions here. But casinos are there," Etjin said in an interview with the reporter. The Greek south has some of the problems but it is the north's closeness to Turkey that makes it a good place for Britain's drug dealers to do business," the BBC concluded its report.



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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:22
Originally posted by aknc

Think a little will you?I will say once more;ordinary civilians cannot access to secret government policies or plans
How can you be so certain that i am a civilian or that my sources are civilian? 

-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:33
                                                               

Senator Biden: "Unambiguous position of the United States is Turkey is illegally occupying Cyprus, period. "

Federal News Service, SEPTEMBER 23, 1997

HEARING OF THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS

OF THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE, PANEL TWO AMBASSADORIAL NOMINATIONS TO GREECE AND TURKEY

CHAIRED BY: SENATOR GORDON SMITH (R-OR)

R. NICHOLAS BURNS, FORMER SPOKESMAN, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, NOMINEE AS U.S. AMBASSADOR TO GREECE

MARK PARRIS, NOMINEE AS U.S. AMBASSADOR TO TURKEY

419 DIRKSEN SENATE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON, DC

[...]

SEN. PAUL SARBANES (D-MD): Well, Mr. Chairman, as I indicated in my comments before the previous panel, these are both highly trained and experienced professionals who have come up through our Foreign Service, and I think they're appropriate nominees for these two important positions.

I'd just like to say to Mr. Parris, what can be done to encourage Turkish policy-makers to appreciate that the just resolution of the Cyprus issue, an improved democratic rights situation in Turkey, and sort of carrying out the Madrid principles would really result in, I think, improved, better relations with the United States and, indeed, with the European Community.

I mean, I'm not -- I've always puzzled why that -- I have the sense it's not fully appreciated the impact that would have. and I wonder whether you share that puzzlement and what might be done about it.

MR. PARRIS: It's an excellent question, Senator, and I know that you've spent a lot of time wrestling with it over the course of your career, and I look forward to the opportunity to discuss with you at the appropriate time -- I'd hoped we'd be able to do it, actually, before this hearing -- how we might together, with other members of the administration's team, get a better handle on the sets of issues that you've raised. You've put your finger on all of the most important ones, of course.

And two ways to approach that question. One would be to get into a lot of detail -- and if you'd like, I'm prepared to get into as much detail as you'd like on the individual --

SEN. SARBANES: No. Why don't I just leave the question with you. But I think when Senator Lugar spoke about opportunities, I think that's true. But as you look at it, you have this constant concern about missed opportunities.

MR. PARRIS: Well, I do --

SEN. SARBANES: And the resolution of these matters, all of which would seem to enhance and further Turkey's interests as you look at them over the long run, and yet those things are not happening. It's a puzzle.

MR. PARRIS: Well, I think the beginning of the -- of a solution -- this isn't an original thought; it's certainly been part of the philosophy I believe that U.S. leaders have brought to prior discussions with their Turkish counterparts over the course of the past several years and beyond -- I believe there's a willingness to speak frankly and to do everything that we can to ensure the Turkish leadership of the depth of feeling of the American people on many of the issues that you referred to and to do the best that we can to help Turkey understand our perception of how movement in each of the areas that you mentioned will work to the advantage of Turkey's interest, because I firmly believe -- and this is something that my predecessor, Marc Grossman, has said before this committee and often in public -- that Turkish practices in some of the areas that you've mentioned, the way they approach certain issues in the multilateral context, will be done out of a sense that it is in Turkey's interest to do so. Our task is to help them to reach that conclusion. I think that there are a variety of ways that we can do that. I'll be part of that. I look forward to being part of that.

The kinds of high-level meetings that have taken place over the past several years involving Secretary Albright, including the one taking place this week in New York, I think, are critical opportunities for us to use.

And I think that, if I may suggest that the more often that senior congressional leaders visit the area, visit Turkey, visit Greece, the better we will be able to directly expose (some ?) of our Turkish friends and counterparts to the benefit of people who have thought about these things a lot, have an exquisite feel for how the American people feel about these things. I have in my previous assignments found that to be an extremely useful instrument for conveying our views and moving the ball forward in these kinds of areas.

Again, I look forward to discussing in more detail the specifics. As a philosophical approach, this is where I would come from.

SEN. SARBANES: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I wish both of these nominees well in their important assignments.

SEN. BIDEN: Mr. Chairman, there's a lot of questions, and I guess we should follow the admonition of Senator Lugar not to diminish their diplomatic potential by having them go on record with too much here.

But one of the things -- to follow on what Senator Sarbanes said -- that puzzles me is that -- is Turkey's sense of isolation a product of -- and the reaction toit, a product of an actual feeling of isolation, or are they in fact -- it's because of their conduct?

I mean -- how I can say it another way? Let me be specific.

The deputy foreign minister Ecevit has emerged as the primary foreign policy spokesperson. And he was the same fellow who was the prime minister was Cyprus was invaded in 1974.

And as I understand, from what I've read and been told, he remains very proud of, quote, "that accomplishment" which I don't know why he would be.

And now, he -- and then the first thing he does is -- not first thing, but in July he issued that http://diaspora-net.org/Turkey/Turkey-threats-Cyprus797.html - Joint Declaration with Denktash saying that -- calling for the partial integration of a "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus," which no one recognizes.

And it was portrayed as a response -- it was characterized by many as a response to the European Union's official announcement that it will begin membership accession talks with Cyprus. Now, since then, there has been a decision by -- an agreement by Clerides and Denktash to discuss security issues on the island. Can you -- it's like a Rubric's cube here to me.

I mean, what's the game? Or is it a game? Is it a response to their rejection by the European Community in many different ways, both what they consider to be ethnic slights, as well as substantive impact of -- do you have a sense of that? I'm not asking you to getin the middle of Greece and Turkey, although I think you should be. I mean, there is no middle, I think. But any rate, what do you think is afoot here?

MR. PARRIS: Well, I think -- I think even in terms of the way you posed the question, Senator, when you look at motives, when you look at the history, it goes back not just to '74 but much longer, this is a very complex question.

And you know, I think it would not be useful for me to try to speculate about, you know, what, at any particular point in this drama, motives of individuals or even governments may have been. I think what I need to assure you of, and I think what the president's actions and the things that this administration has done in recent months makes clear, is that getting to the core of the Cyprus question is a major U.S. foreign-policy priority. We've shown that in the personnel we've put on the job. We've shown that in the kind of attention that it's received at the highest levels of the administration. I'd like to think to some degree it's reflected in the kinds of people that we're sending to Athens and Greece.

I think that that message has been received in Ankara. They have supported strongly Mr. Holbrooke's nomination, a person that they trust and that they worked with in the past. And I think that, while our efforts are getting under way, and while the U.N. and the European Union are working to try to exploit the possible opportunity that exists to resolve this problem, clearly there is no place for statements or actions by any parties to make that job more difficult.

SEN. BIDEN: Well, Mr. Chairman, I don't want to delay this.

But let me just say I hope neither one of you suffer from this bizarre notion of evenhandedness. And let me explain what I mean by that.

"Evenhanded" means to be fair. And it is our policy -- has been our policy -- that the invasion of Cyprus was a violation of international law.

So the idea that we have to tread lightly, or should tread lightly, in Ankara or in Athens on whether or not Turkey's troops should be in Cyprus is not evenhanded; it's perverse -- perverse.

Our policy is, "It was illegal."

So I hope we'll be evenhanded in carrying out our policy, which is to say that, "You have no right to have forces on Cyprus. "

Now, that does not solve the problem, but I hope we won't dance around what seems to have emerged occasionally, not with either or you, gentlemen, but over the last 20 years or so, which is that evenhandedness means now: "Well, the status quo is the status quo, and we should not rock the status quo. We have to be evenhanded. Only if either party wants to deal with it will we."

It's a little bit like -- if I'll conclude, Mr. Chairman, by saying, it's a little bit like saying "being evenhanded in the Balkans." We should be evenhanded on the Dayton accords that we signed. Anybody who doesn't uphold the Dayton accords ain't our friend; whether it's a Croat, a Serb or a Moslem.

Anybody who doesn't agree with our policy that it was an illegal invasion of a country does not warrant us saying, "But we think you're just as good as the other guy." They are the transgressor.

And I sometimes worry that we, as a nation, although I want to have a relationship with Turkey -- they're a very valuable ally, and they're everything Senator Lugar and everyone else said -- to be evenhanded is to be evenhanded with a friend:

"Hey, friend, you screwed up. You violated international law. You're wrong."

And I just hope -- because what happens is a lot of signals get sent by your diplomatic, and your predecessor's diplomatic language. And I hope there's nothing that is unambiguous about -- there's nothing unambiguous. And you've made a necessary living, like we have tried to up here, Mr. Burns, at communicating ideas and notions.

Unambiguous position of the United States is Turkey is illegally occupying Cyprus, period. Beginning, middle, end.

Doesn't mean we don't have a relationship with Turkey. Doesn't mean they're not part of NATO. Doesn't mean we wouldn't try to work it out. But I hope no one is ever ambiguous about that.

[...]



-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:37

And to currently end,the conflict between the 2 communities was provoked mainly by the British empire.



-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: iskenderani
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 16:01

To, Aku , Seko , Oguz and the rest of Turkish forumers..

So , the situation is this.

From one hand we have the Turkish propaganda...And from the other we have UN resolutions , EU resolutions , and every OFFICIAL organization of the entire world , condemning Turkey , Turks and their actions.

The facts are :1) Turkey did not interfered in Cyprus to re-establish democracy , law and order. Turkey , invaded Cyprus , dividing a sovereign nation member of UN and it is still occupying the land.

2) Turkey , as usual , started an ethnic cleansing , not only of humans ( Greeks ) , but also on anything that was Greek . Churches , cemeteries , names of villages , everything .This is AGAINST the INTERNATIONAL LAW....

So , if u want to keep on playing the role of the victim , as Tanner Aksam , points out , and keep posting propaganda , there will be no result as u probably understand..

The ball is in ur court....

Isk.

P.S....and as i said ......Aku , can u post anything on Turkish atrocities ??

Isk.



Posted By: Guests
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 16:22

Turkey changed the Cyprus villages names? Well, you should call it "renaming", because these villages arent born neither Greek or Turkish. Greeks had some villages, Turks had some villages, and in most of the villages they lived together in peace until some hateful Greek comitted mass human murderings. So Dont wait the Turkish villagers call it "....okopulis" because Greeks called the same village that way.

Also, I couldnt understand your point when you wrote some city names like "Malatya", because their names are neither Greek nor Turkish originated. Byzanthines called these cities with their Greek names, and now Turks are calling these cities with their Turkish names.

The UN and EU resolutions arent non-sided proofs. If you really respect to UN resolutions, you can show it by "accepting UN solutions of Annan". Turkish Cypriots showed it bravely with their votes.

All you wrote about is a bunch of non-sense recources from European and Greek sites. Turkey has the right to keep its soldiers in Cyprus, in order to protect Turkish civilians human rights, until their lives are garantied, and Greek threat is finished.

How can you believe that Turkey could only divided Cyprus to own a valuable and strategic point in Eastern Medetarrinnean? Would the huge world powers like US, Russia, and Europe let an economically and politically more inferior country like Turkey to commit it? No. Do yu know why couldnt they use any ambargo, sanction or military power on Turkey? Because they knew how Turkish Cypriots were massacred by Makarios reggime, and they also knew that they couldnt stop Turkey from protecting its own nation.

Did You Know ...

That Cyprus is only 40 miles from the southern coast of Turkey, but 600 miles from mainland Greece?

That Turkish Cypriots have lived in Cyprus for over 400 years?

That Cyprus was never a "Hellenic island," but was in fact a Turkish island for nearly 350 years up until 1914?

That Cyprus became an independent state in 1960, under a Constitution that provided for a bi-communal government with shared and equal political status for both the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots?

That the parties in Cyprus and the governments of the United Kingdom, Greece, and Turkey ratified a Treaty of Guarantee in 1960 that also provided for the security of Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriots?

That the conflict in Cyprus began in 1963, when the then-president of the republic, Archbishop Makarios III launched an all-out attack on the Turkish Cypriot population, unilaterally dismissed all Turkish Cypriot officials from the government and declared the constitution "dead and buried".

That the inter-communal violence in Cyprus was a veritable ethnic-cleansing campaign and was directed against the Turkish Cypriot community, forcing Turkish Cypriots into ghetto-like enclaves on 3% of the island?

That the violence in Cyprus prompted the introduction of a United Nations peacekeeping force (UNFICYP) in March 1964, which is still in place?

That the U.S. special envoy during the 1963-64 Cypriot crisis, Under Secretary of State George W. Ball, stated in his memoirs that "Makarios' central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so that he and his Greek Cypriots could go on ... massacring Turkish Cypriots"?

That the present division of Cyprus has its origins in that violence culminating in the coup d'etat against Archbishop Makarios and his government on July 15, 1974, which was carried out with the active support of the then-government in Greece?

That entire Turkish Cypriot villages were razed and their inhabitants slaughtered by Greek Cypriots in the days following the coup d'etat?

That, under the Treaty of Guarantee of 1960, these developments required collective or individual intervention by the governments of the United Kingdom, Greece, and Turkey?

That Turkey addressed the issue of intervention with the United Kingdom, but when the U.K. did not take action Turkey was compelled to intervene on its own, on July 20, 1974, to stop the bloodshed and provide for the safety of Turkish Cypriots?

That Turkey's decision to intervene in Cyprus, under Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee of 1960, was endorsed by a resolution #573 adopted on July 29, 1974 by the Council of Europe's Standing Committee of the Consultative Assembly?

That an "Exchange of Populations Agreement," providing for the voluntary relocation of population groups, was concluded by the official representatives of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot sides (Messrs. Denkta_ and Clerides) on August 2, 1975, and was implemented by UNFICYP?

That the Turkish intervention in Cyprus effectively ended the ethnic-cleansing and inter-communal violence which, between December 1963 and July 1974, had taken the lives of thousands of Turkish Cypriots?

That the Turkish Cypriot people desire only a new partnership and equal political status between the two sides?

That, despite Greek Cypriot allegations of "intransigence," it is the Turkish Cypriot side that has initiated, accepted, or supported numerous initiatives for a settlement --- in 1972, 1977, 1979, 1985-86, 1992, 1993-94, and at this very moment?

That the parties in Cyprus came close to a settlement in 1992, through the "set of ideas" proposed by the then United Nations Secretary-General, which were in major part approved by the Turkish Cypriots but ultimately rejected by the Greek Cypriots once their membership bid for the European Union began moving forward?

That, 39 years after its Constitutionally-guaranteed political status was unilaterally and illegally revoked, the Turkish Cypriots still suffer under unjust discrimination, in the form of an all-out economic, political and cultural embargo?

That confidence is undermined and progress toward a settlement in Cyprus is compromised by the determination to make Cyprus a Greek-dominated island, by the continuing embargo of Turkish Cypriots, and by threats from Athens to block the European Union enlargement process if "Cyprus" is not admitted?
A Quotation to Ponder
"Both before and after the events of December 1963, the Makarios government continued to advocate the cause of ENOSIS [political union with Greece] and actively pursued the amendment of the Constitution and the related treaties to facilitate this ultimate objective...There is little doubt that much of the violence which the Turkish Cypriots claim led to the total or partial destruction of 103 Turkish villages and the displacement of about a quarter of the total Turkish Cypriot population was either directly inspired or certainly connived at by the Greek Cypriot leadership."

Select Committee on Foreign Affairs, British House of Commons
Unanimous report, June 2, 1987



-------------


Posted By: strategos
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 18:02
I'm pretty sure there were some villages with both Greeks and Turks, but Mostly they lived separatley.  A GREEK village is a village either ALL greek, or very much all greek, and has a GREEK name. Do not play dumb and say Whats a greek village?

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http://theforgotten.org/intro.html


Posted By: Perseas
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 18:35

Strategos, let Oguzoglu to post some more propagandistic posts taken from ataa.org a.k.a Assembly of Turkish-American Association. How else are we going to have fun here?

Unfortunately for him, Oguzoglu cant find ANY UN or EU resolutions in favor of Turkey, simply because....it doesnt exist!!! So what do you expect from him to post? The usual Turkish propaganda !!

Geez, everytime i am reading a post of them i understand perfectly why Isk is considering them jesters.

For example, take a look Strategos to some of the points Oguz wrote...

Originally posted by Oguzoglu

Did You Know ...

That Cyprus is only 40 miles from the southern coast of Turkey, but 600 miles from mainland Greece? 

It seems the writer of the quote hasnt ever heard in his entire life that e.g Gibraltar is right next to Spain, and maybe about almost 1000 miles from UK but is still legally considered British territory 

If they use such an argument, all they do then, is to accept all of the Aegean as Greek since it's completely dotted and surrounded by our islands.

That Turkish Cypriots have lived in Cyprus for over 400 years? 

The author here, has never heard that Greeks have been there since 1300 B.C!!!!!!!!! Natural born Jesters!

That Cyprus was never a "Hellenic island," but was in fact a Turkish island for nearly 350 years up until 1914

The author has never heard that Cyprus has always been a Hellenic island, With a continuous Greek presence long even before there was even mentioning about Turks in the region.

And the fun list goes on...After all this laugh, how can you Strategos, not say a big thank you to Oguzoglu for caring kindly so much about our daily entertainment??

 



 



Posted By: Guests
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 19:08

Well, have fun friends, you need it after all your efforts to make us believe your lies...

Turks lived in Cyprus since 400 yeasr, so it means Turkish existance cannot be denied. So in 400 years, the Turkish population tried to live in peace with the old Greeks.

Cyprus is 40 miles from Turkey, so your Enosis is nothing but imperialism.

Cyprus wasnt a Hellenic island. It was controlled by Venezians, or Genoasians before Ottoman rule. And before, there were other sea civilizations in the island, but the island isnt Hellenic originated...

Why do you only read the only sentences that you can maybe deny its truth? Try to read the rest of the clauses and maybe you can free your mind from propogater Greek education and media.

 



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Posted By: strategos
Date Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 19:15

Ma'am, but you said it was a turkish Island, but when was this? You claim that the Ottoman Empire is not directly linked to present day Turkey, and Turkey has never occupyed Cyprus.. Oh wait, I forgot how now presently it Illegally occupys 1/3 of the country.. Aeolus, I am beinging to see it now.

Ogu your postings have changed much from the begining. I remember when you first came they were smaller, little posts, but now you go out and attack our members..



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http://theforgotten.org/intro.html


Posted By: iskenderani
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 00:06

Our good friend Oguz wrote :

### Well, have fun friends, you need it after all your efforts to make us believe your lies...

Lies ?? So it is all lies that u took the toombstones from the cemeteries ??? So the Turkish Cypriots r lying ??

The Turkish Cypriot Arts Society leader, Ali Atakan, in a statement issued on May 20 revealed yet more antique smuggling. According to this revelation, a valuable Byzantine mosaic has been stolen from a Byzantine Church in the village of Lythrangomi. There are two inter-connected churches in the village and the mosaic was stolen from the apse of the older church which dates back to the 8th century..."

Turkish Cypriot newspaper "Yenidyzen", 6.1.1982

"You will see chambers cut out of the rocks, lighthouses, the remains of baths, layouts and the military camps set up on the ruins both before and after 1974... Today Lambousa is a military zone closed to tourists. Here are many important churches and the mythological Akhiropietos Monastery. Now you cannot see it because it is being used as a military warehouse. The icons stolen from Lambousa were retrieved while being smuggled out of Ankara airport."

Turkish Cypriot newspaper "Olay", 'Perishing Cyprus', 4.26.75 - 5.17.1982

U call THEM liars ??? Good for u....U keep on proving my point..

Turks lived in Cyprus since 400 yeasr, so it means Turkish existance cannot be denied. So in 400 years, the Turkish population tried to live in peace with the old Greeks.

And my point is that the Turks who came in Cyprus became Turkish Cypriots and most of the times they DID live in peace with the Greek Cypriots ....They were both Cypriots u see .They even revolted , alongside with the Greek Cypriots against the heavy taxes imposed to ALL Cypriots from the Ottoman rulers..

So this is my point which u have proven ....Turkish Cypriots lived in peace with the Greek Cypriots , as long as U , Turks , kept away of them .When u interfered with ur paramilitary organizations , TMT was before EOKA , ur interference was targeted to create a hate between Cypriots..Divide and Rule ....classic.Do u know how many Turkish Cypriots r living outside Cyprus ?? More that 30.000 .....Why ?? They dont want to turn back and put their heads under ur rule.. 

Cyprus is 40 miles from Turkey, so your Enosis is nothing but imperialism.

So what ?? The example of Gibraltar , is quite enough to prove ur inability to raise a sensible argument.

Cyprus wasnt a Hellenic island. It was controlled by Venezians, or Genoasians before Ottoman rule. And before, there were other sea civilizations in the island, but the island isnt Hellenic originated...

Who was controlling the island had nothing to do with what the islanders were , in their majority and still r. They were Greeks , worshiping Greek gods , even Aphrodite the godess of beauty was born in Cyprus , and talking the Greek language until to day...While the controllers were Venetians , the majority of the people did not speak Italian , and while they were English , before the Venetians the majority was not speaking English , or the Egyptian language , or even the Turkish language.

The majority were Greeks ... take a soda to digest it..

Why do you only read the only sentences that you can maybe deny its truth? Try to read the rest of the clauses and maybe you can free your mind from propogater Greek education and media.

Oh yes we did and we do..we do not read Greek media ....we read Turkish Cypriot newspapers ....as they r mentioned above ...So as long as we do that , u may start reading Greek Cypriot newspapers ...

Strangely they all say the same things.....but i guess they are conspiring against u , both of them....shame to both.

So , keep to ur Turkish newspapers that say the only and absolut truth..

Isk.



Posted By: iskenderani
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 00:13

THE LIARS...

"The Turkish Cypriot Arts Society leader, Ali Atakan, in a statement issued on May 20 revealed yet more antique smuggling. According to this revelation, a valuable Byzantine mosaic has been stolen from a Byzantine Church in the village of Lythrangomi. There are two inter-connected churches in the village and the mosaic was stolen from the apse of the older church which dates back to the 8th century..."

Turkish Cypriot newspaper "Yenidyzen", 6.1.1982

"You will see chambers cut out of the rocks, lighthouses, the remains of baths, layouts and the military camps set up on the ruins both before and after 1974... Today Lambousa is a military zone closed to tourists. Here are many important churches and the mythological Akhiropietos Monastery. Now you cannot see it because it is being used as a military warehouse. The icons stolen from Lambousa were retrieved while being smuggled out of Ankara airport."

Turkish Cypriot newspaper "Olay", 'Perishing Cyprus', 4.26.75 - 5.17.1982

"Haven't you heard that the 2000 year old Christian church in Cyprus, St Barnabas' Church, has been robbed? Haven't you heard that 35 icons were stolen, that 11 of them were found in Kythrea, that 11 were retrieved at Ankara airport while being smuggled out, and that the rest are lost? Haven't you heard what's happening in Varosha (Famagusta)? Haven't you heard that figurines belonging to the Catholic period and kept in the Archaeological Museum have been stolen and smuggled to London? What about the icons in the other churches; the mosaics, the private collections, the illegal digs? Why have they stopped the digs started before 1974 at the city of Gastria, which belongs to the geometric age? Do you know what happened since then? The government [sic] has issued permits to certain businessmen from Turkey to set up a gypsum factory there. The tombs were destroyed and plundered."

Mehmet Yiasin, "Perishing Cyprus", in the Turkish Cypriot Review "Olay", April 1982:

"The Cyprus Arts Society [in the occupied areas] issued a press release saying that the antique smuggling in the occupied areas has reached enormous dimensions and that measures should be taken to protect the destruction of the antiques."

Turkish Cypriot "Bozkurt", 7.4.1982

"The trial of the director [sic] of Kyrenia Museum, Mehmet Rasih, has ended with the case being referred to the "criminal court". The trial is connected with the 3 chests of antiques discovered in Turkey on their way to Germany, on 16.3.1981... The number of the missing icons or substituted icons were 225 ...[later] it was found that large icons had been sawn down to smaller sizes and thus entered in the books."

Turkish Cypriot "Ortam", 5.6.1982

"Two icons estimated to cost around TL 1 million were stolen from Kyrenia "Court". The icons stolen from the village church of Karmi 5 months ago were found in the Famagusta district and 4 persons were arrested in connection with the incident. The icons were locked away in Kyrenia "Court-House" to be stolen again."

Turkish Cypriot "Bozkurt", 3.9.1979

Liars ....liars....liars

All against the innocent and brave Turks and Turkish army...

Unfortunately for our Turkish forumers....That is the truth..

Isk.



Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 01:56

The legality of Turkey?s action was upheld even by the Athens Court of Appeal in March 21, 1979. Unlike Michael Cacoyannis, this court lay the blame where it belonged: ?The true guilty ones were the Greek Officers, who organised the coup and thereby created the conditions for an intervention."

Busloads of Greeks return, re-united with their loved ones. Michael Cacoyannis focuses on one saying that he got beaten up by the Turks.



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 01:57
No doubt most, if not all, of these people are dead by now, and undoubtedly the Turks were not innocent. However, already there has been a downgrading of these missing people by a whopping 126, and as the Northern Cyprus Monthly editorialized, ?It is very likely that this number will drop even further, since hardly a month goes by without a new shocking revelation being published in the Greek Cypriot press regarding the Greek Cypriot ?missing persons?.?

So to answer Michael Cacoyannis? question, WHERE?, perhaps Michael Cacoyannis ought to look in the southern part of the island. Who knows how many more Greeks were killed by fellow Greeks? (Let us now turn to the revealing ?fraternal bloodshed? we encountered much earlier.)

On April 17, 1991, Ambassador Nelson Ledsky testified before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee that "most of the 'missing persons' disappeared in the first days of July 1974, before the Turkish intervention on the 20th. Many killed on the Greek side were killed by Greek Cypriots in fighting between supporters of Makarios and Sampson."


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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 01:57
the same old story. Just like at the end of WWI, when the Greek and Turkish populations were exchanged, by mutual agreement. Today, we only hear about the Greeks who were forced to leave, often equated in genocidal terms. That is because those like Michael Cacoyannis can scrounge up the money to produce propagandistic matter as this, and find distribution in the sympathetic West... distribution that can have a very long shelf life.

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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 02:01

Originally posted by Spartakus

Originally posted by aknc

Think a little will you?I will say once more;ordinary civilians cannot access to secret government policies or plans
How can you be so certain that i am a civilian or that my sources are civilian? 

You said it yourself.a man that has acces to top secret plans would not be wasting his time with ignorant,brainwashed mongrels



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 02:07
Originally posted by strategos

Ma'am, but you said it was a turkish Island, but when was this? You claim that the Ottoman Empire is not directly linked to present day Turkey, and Turkey has never occupyed Cyprus.. Oh wait, I forgot how now presently it Illegally occupys 1/3 of the country.. Aeolus, I am beinging to see it now.

Ogu your postings have changed much from the begining. I remember when you first came they were smaller, little posts, but now you go out and attack our members..

You are off subject.Insulting when you have nothing to say is very low



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 02:08
 

"Philhellens of Cypruspests of the island (Cyprus)headquarters of this agitation is at Athens and Alexandria, from whence came the funds that kept the Greek Cypriot agitation and the agitators alivenow they want to fill all responsible posts with Greeks, to the exclusion of the English and the Turksthey are already beginning to exercise a wild terror over peaceful fellow citizens" The Homeward Mail, 03.10.1881.

"I feel certain that most Irish people do not appreciate the grave wrongs that have been inflicted on the Turkish population of Cyprus and on Turkey itself. Historically and geographically Cyprus belongs to Turkey and it is a tribute to the patience and forbearing of that country that it agreed for the sake of peace to the imposition of Greek ruleThe recent riots provoked by (Greek) elements who want to find an excuse for a pogrom against the islands Turks is a glaring example of the manner in which the real owners of Cyprus are being treatedIt is too much to expect that Turkey will remain patient forever, and if peace is to be maintained in the Mediterranean the problem of Turkish Cyprus must be solved." Irish Evening Press, 01.01.1964.

"Turks to be exterminated"and blamed for another slaughter



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 05:44
Unfortunetly for the greek forumers,your truth is proven wrong

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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 05:48
Originally posted by strategos

Ma'am, but you said it was a turkish Island, but when was this? You claim that the Ottoman Empire is not directly linked to present day Turkey, and Turkey has never occupyed Cyprus.. Oh wait, I forgot how now presently it Illegally occupys 1/3 of the country.. Aeolus, I am beinging to see it now.

Ogu your postings have changed much from the begining. I remember when you first came they were smaller, little posts, but now you go out and attack our members..

Unfortunetly,your vision is clouded

Smaller eh?How come it takes four Greeks to prove him wrong?



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 07:38
Originally posted by aknc

Originally posted by Spartakus

Originally posted by aknc

Think a little will you?I will say once more;ordinary civilians cannot access to secret government policies or plans
How can you be so certain that i am a civilian or that my sources are civilian? 

You said it yourself.a man that has acces to top secret plans would not be wasting his time with ignorant,brainwashed mongrels

Some advice:never be certain with whom you are talking in the net.And i never said that i am wasting my time with ignorant,brainwashed mongrels,so do not twist my words or create false statements.

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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 07:40
Moreover,the invasion happened 30 years ago,so it is pretty easy to find clues about the aim of the Turkish presence in Cyprus. 

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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:06

In Cyprus, during the late 1950s a Turkish Cypriot paramilitary organisation known as Turk Mukavemet Teskilati (TMT) was formed. It was armed and supported by Turkey and it had an extreme pro-partition agenda.

The great difficulty with TMTs programme was that it required the uprooting of a quarter of a million people - both Greek and Turkish Cypriots - and their removal from their historic and ancestral lands. It is not surprising therefore that it was opposed by the vast majority of the islands population. It would only have been possible to do this forcibly. The Turkish invasion can therefore be traced back to the formation of TMT and the need to forcibly separate the populations.

TURKISH INCITEMENT

TMT emerged with Ankaras support as a powerful force, and exercised a crucial influence over the affairs of the Turkish-Cypriot community. One of its founders was Rauf Denktash, the current Turkish Cypriot political spokesman in occupied Cyprus.

The decision to create TMT was taken at the highest levels of the Turkish Menderes Government in Ankara. While facing mounting pressure from public opinion, the Turkish Government decided to use the Cyprus question as a diversion to keep the Turkish military quiet, an ever present factor in Turkish politics: that is how TMT was conceived. TMT fighters were trained, armed and led by a small group of well-disciplined Turkish officers. It established cells in towns and villages throughout Cyprus, and it selected personnel who were to be sent to Turkey for military training. It was also to become the organisational tool through which the geo-political partitionist policy of Turkey was to be enforced in Cyprus. It was a policy which aimed at segregating the Turkish and Greek Cypriots from each other as a prelude to the physical division of the island.

During the course of 1957, TMT pressured the Turkish Cypriots into withdrawing from any co-operative ties they had with the Greek Cypriots and, on the whole, they were successful; this policy later became known as the `from Turk to Turk policy. Such encouragement was entirely alien to the co-operation and quiet existence which had always prevailed between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, but was necessary to sow the seeds of partition. A similar policy was followed in Istanbul, organised by the Turkish National Student Federation, which had worked closely with Kibris Turktur in its planning of the anti-Greek riots there back in 1955.

In Cyprus this crude policy of enforced segregation did not go unopposed amongst the Turkish Cypriots. TMTs answer to criticism was however rapid and brutal. It assassinated prominent Turkish Cypriots who dared to publicly voice opposition or advocated co-operation between Greeks and Turks. The most widely known such murders were those of Fazil Ondur, the chief editor of the weekly newspaper Inkilapci, who was killed on 29 May 1959; and Ahmet Yahaya, a committee member of the Turkish Cypriot Athletic and Culture centre, who was killed on 5 June 1958. An attempt was also made on the life of Arif Barudi on 3 July 1958, and another one on Ahmet Sadi, the director of the Turkish office of the Pancypriot Labour Federation who, soon after the attempt against his life, left Cyprus to settle in England. The same policy continues today with the assassination in July 1996 of Kutlu Adali, the Turkish Cypriot journalist, who had the courage to condemn the partitionist project of the Turkish military establishment which leads the foreign policy of Ankara, and who advocated closer co-operation between Greek and Turkish Cypriots.

TMTs strategy was one of incitement in the hope of provoking inter-ethnic conflict with the aim of securing the separation of the two communities. It did so without any consideration to likely casualties amongst innocent Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The first such serious inter-communal fighting began in June 1958 and was the result of such incitement which the Turkish authorities have subsequently been candid on a number of occasions. Mr Emin Dirvana, a former Turkish diplomat, said: `I was informed that on 7 June 1958 a bomb had been planted in the Turkish press office in Nicosia by persons who, as was later established, had nothing to do with the Greek Cypriots. The Turks of Nicosia were then incited to be overwhelmed by holy indignation and perpetrated acts similar to those committed on 6 and 7 September 1955 in Istanbul.

In the ITN documentary `Cyprus, Britains Grim Legacy the account continues:

`The explosion sparked off a night of riot in Nicosia. Turkish Cypriots burned and looted Greek shops and homes. Soon came counter attacks and the fighting spread around the island. A friend of mine, whose name must still be kept secret, was to confess to me that he had put this little bomb in the doorway in order to create an atmosphere of tension so that people would know that the Turkish Cypriots mattered.

In fact, nobody had ever claimed that the Turkish Cypriots did not matter. This reveals the essence of the matter, that the Turkish Cypriot leadership, first in Ottoman times and then during the British administration, had always occupied a position of political privilege as an ally of the occupying power. These privileges were not something the leadership were willing to give up. During early British rule, the alliance with the Turkish minority became clear in the legislative council. It worked on the principle that the British and Turkish members at least equalled or outnumbered by one vote the Greeks.

The tactics of TMT, to provoke ethnic conflict when none would otherwise have arisen, were soon to be successful. On 12 June 1958, following the press office bomb explosion, British security forces rounded up eight Greek Cypriots from the village of Kondemenos and subsequently released them near the Turkish Cypriot village of Guenyeli, approximately seven miles from where they were arrested, and a good distance from the nearest Greek villages; the released Greek Cypriots were subsequently massacred by Turkish Cypriots acting on the orders of TMT. These were the first reported inter-communal killings. These killings were carried out in the certain knowledge that Greek Cypriots would also carry out revenge attacks.

Turkey rushed to put forward a formal protest to Britain the day following the press office bomb, alleging that the Cyprus administration had failed to give the Turkish minority adequate protection. `Cyprus, partition or death, was the slogan constantly repeated by Turkish leaders and the armed paramilitaries. The claim was that Turkish Cypriots could not think of themselves as being integrated into Cypriot society. The fact that they already were, necessitated a strategy of tension and forced separation.

The principle of partition was not based on the realities of Cypriot society at the time, but on Turkeys perceived security requirements alone. In the Summer of 1958, in the mixed suburb of Omorphita in Nicosia, TMT evicted 700 Greeks from their homes. By the end of July 1958 a much clearer line had been drawn between the Greek and Turkish quarters. The reluctance of British authorities to deal even-handedly with the violence became clearer when the partisan decisions made by the Courts at the time is taken into account. Whereas Turks arrested for participating in the riots were released, Greeks received custodial sentences for minor offences.

Sixteen Turks were, for example, arrested by the British authorities for complicity in the Nicosia riots, but they were released on condition that they stayed in at night. A Turkish policeman, sergeant Tuna, was charged with possessing a bomb and ammunition for which the mandatory penalty was clearly the death penalty. He was released and left immediately for Turkey. The only official piece of evidence that Turkish policeman were involved in bomb attacks had conveniently `disappeared. By contrast, two Greeks who pulled down a Union Jack were each given 18 months prison sentences, whilst those subsequently involved with the possession of fire arms were hanged. In hindsight, it is hardly surprising that Greek Cypriots saw a conspiracy against their struggle for self-determination from British and Turkish Cypriot sources.

The riots in Nicosia caused by the bomb in the Turkish press office, resulted in the deaths of 56 Greek and 53 Turkish Cypriots. The higher number of Greek casualties demonstrates that the Turkish Cypriots (who of course were outnumbered in Cyprus 5:1 by Greek Cypriots) had, on the orders of TMT, pre-arranged strongholds and were thus able to fight from a much stronger position than their numerical inferiority would suggest. Clearly, by the end of 1958 the Greek Cypriot demand for self-determination was still unacceptable to both Britain and Turkey, although a new compromise needed to be worked out.

The London-Zurich agreements of 1959 finally set up the Republic of Cyprus with Archbishop Makarios III being duly elected its first President, and Dr Fazil Kutcuk its Turkish Cypriot Vice President, by their respective communities in December 1959. The Republic of Cyprus officially came into being on 16 August 1960.

Under the terms of the 1960 constitution, there was to be a fixed ratio of 70 Greek Cypriot employees for every 30 Turkish Cypriots employed by government agencies. The Turkish Cypriot leadership demanded that this parity of employment be attained within five months of independence. The public service commission pointed to the numerous difficulties of drawing 30% of the civil service including the police force from just 18% of the population. As a result, numerous posts remained unfulfilled in the search for suitably qualified Turkish Cypriot candidates.

Since a majority vote of the Turkish Cypriot deputies in the house was needed to pass tax legislation, the Turkish Cypriots used it as a bargaining tool to force compliance over the 70:30 ratio and various other issues which had as their objective the continued segregation of the two ethnic groups. For example, colonial laws had to be extended eight times while both communities discussed legislation relating to separate municipalities. This provision had been the greatest victory for Turkey in this settlement. The President offered the Turks compensating safeguards, but was not prepared to implement provisions which opened the way to partition. Deadlock inevitably resulted again and again in a number of other areas.

Already by the end of the 1961 the Turkish language press was calling for intervention by the powers, meaning the UK and the US. In essence, there was a fundamental belief on the part of the Turkish Cypriots in the eventual intervention of Turkey to establish the partition of Cyprus. This belief underpinned their unco-operative attitude towards the Greek Cypriots and, not surprisingly, created the cycle of mistrust amongst Turkish Cypriots which culminated in the crisis of 1963. Indeed, one of the starkest indications of the Turkish Cypriot mistrust were the brutal political murders of Ayhan Hikmet and Ahmet Gurkhan in 1962 by TMT. Both Hikmet and Gurkhan were publishers who advocated closer association and co-operation between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. TMT was again in action to ensure that the genuine voice of the Turkish Cypriots was silenced, and this applied not only to journalists and publishers, but to many political activists and ordinary people too.

THE CRISIS OF 1963

From independence to 1963, it proved impossible to construct any basis of trust, and many areas of government were unable to function. The Cypriots found themselves in the position of not even being able to execute simple tax laws due to the way in which legislation was being used by the Turkish Cypriot leadership and their political mentors in Turkey. The Greek Cypriots claimed with some justification that the Turkish Cypriots were using partitionist and non co-operative tactics, which was made possible by the constitution itself.

It was against this background that the Akritas plan emerged as a political strategy to remove the restrictions imposed by the 1960 constitution, and to abrogate both the Treaty of Guarantee and the Treaty of Alliance, which allowed for armed intervention in Cyprus by Britain, Greece and Turkey, not unilateral intervention (but not by military action by any one state). President Makarios sought a way of breaking the deadlock in the administration and submitted for discussion, in accordance with the Akritas plan, 13 possible constitutional amendments. Copies of the proposed amendments were sent to Ankara for information purposes only since Turkey was a guarantor power. Yet even before the Turkish Cypriot leadership could reply, Ankara rejected the proposals as impossible, even as a basis for discussion, though the opinion of Turkish Cypriots had not been sought and this effectively ended the Akritas plan. Makarios had not referred to Athens before making his proposals, but was acting quite properly as the head of state of what was, after all, an independent state. Turkish Cypriot propagandists, however, cite the Akritas plan as proof of a Greek Cypriot plot to commit genocide against them, by somehow equating enosis, the subject of the plan, with genocide. This is clearly a nonsense; it was simply a constitutional framework devised to break a constituted social cohesion.

The inter-communal violence that followed was triggered on 21 December 1963 by an incident in Nicosia involving the shooting of a policeman. A police patrol car with Greek Cypriot officers driving down Hermes Street in the old city of Nicosia stopped a car for a routine check. Shots were fired and a young Turk was killed. The dispute that had been going on for the past three years relating to the way in which the constitution was operating, and the resultant tensions (all entirely of a political nature), now exploded into a spate of shootings which spread right across the island. On 22 December 1963 all Turkish Cypriot Government officials and politicians left their posts in a mass political protest. Overnight, all these individuals quit their jobs before any investigation had taken place. This organised reaction suggests that their actions were part of a pre-planned strategy in accordance with the tactics followed during the last few years.

Between 21 and 26 December 1963 the conflict was again centred in the Omorphita suburb of Nicosia, which had been an area of tension back in 1958. The participants now were Greek Cypriot irregulars and Turkish Cypriot paramilitaries, and numbers of civilians who were caught in the crossfire and chaos that ensued over the Christmas week. Both President Makarios and Dr Kutcuk issued calls of peace, but they were ignored. The two leaders met for the last time on 24 December 1963. Meanwhile, within a week of the violence flaring up, the Turkish army contingent had moved out of its barracks and seized the most strategic position on the island across the Nicosia to Kyrenia road, the historic jugular vein of the island. So crucial was this road to Turkish strategic thinking that they retained control of that road until 1974, at which time it acted as a crucial link in Turkeys military invasion. From 1963 up to the point of the Turkish invasion of 20 July 1974, Greek Cypriots who wanted to use the road could only do so if accompanied by a UN convoy,. It was, however, a baffling strategy for protecting the Turkish Cypriot minority. Again, this demonstrated the true motivation of Turkey.

The fighting over Christmas week 1963 saw numerous civilian casualties. Hostage taking emerged on both sides, as did acts of arson and murder. Although many hostages were returned, many remained missing, presumed dead. The worst incidents yet again occurred in Omorphita. Some Turkish Cypriot patients were taken from Nicosia general hospital and killed by paramilitaries. In Ayios Vasilios, on 12 January 1964, a mass grave was discovered which contained the bodies of 21 Turkish Cypriots who were presumed to have been killed in or near Ayios Vasilios on 24 December 1963. One of the most tragic acts of the period was the killing of the wife and children of a Major attached to the Turkish army contingent. Their bodies were later discovered in the bath of their home. The tactics of TMT were now fully reaping their rewards. The casualty figures over that Christmas week in 1963 vary. British military sources on the ground estimate about 100 dead on each side.

Considerable fear was felt throughout the island and about 20,000 Turkish Cypriots left their homes. Much of this movement was spontaneous and hasty following some local incident of violence. However, once they had moved, many Turkish Cypriots were placed under heavy pressure by TMT not to return to their homes. Clearly, the necessary territorial basis for partition was being established.

Both Greek and Turkish Cypriots were displaced during the period of inter-communal strife in 1963 and 1964. A Liaison Committee was established, comprising of representatives of the three guarantor powers and the two communities. This established that in February 1964 5,500 Turkish Cypriots and 1,600 Greek Cypriots had been displaced because of the fighting. The UN Secretary General estimated that eventually 25,000 Turkish Cypriots moved from their homes to nearby villages/towns. It therefore appears that 5,500 Turkish Cypriots were displaced, and that a further 19,500 were moved on the directions of the Turkish military and Turkish Cypriot leadership.

A number of points are worth noting. The Liaison Committee consisted of representatives of Britain, Greece and Turkey and the Greek and Turkish communities. The first session took place on 29 December 1963, and was chaired by Duncan Sandys, Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations, and subsequent meetings were chaired by the British High Commissioner Sir Arthur Clark. A sub-committee was given the task to examine the number of displaced persons, in its report of 1 February 1964, found that there were 5,500 Turkish Cypriots and 1,600 Greek Cypriots displaced. Yet, the UN Secretary Generals Report to the Security Council (15/6/64 Doc. S/5764) found that: `a large number of Turkish Cypriot villages from some villages with a mixed population, and from some very small Turkish Cypriot villages, moved out into more predominantly Turkish villages and towns. It appears that most of the Turkish Cypriots displaced were moved from their villages by the Turkish Cypriot leadership in order to back their policy of partitioning the island.

The partitioning of the island was not possible without segregation and movement of population, because Greek, Turkish and mixed villages were scattered around the island, with few concentrations of homogeneous population.

Fighting in Nicosia ended when British forces intervened at the request of President Makarios. The Green line was established between the Greek and Turkish quarters of Nicosia and became a permanent feature of the city. The demarcation of the capital was followed by the eviction of the entire Armenian community which happened to fall in the Turkish sector. The Turks believed that the Armenians were politically aligned with the Greeks and used this as justification for their forced expulsion. However, it was also a necessity in the long term goal of creating an ethnically pure Turkish zone.

Between January and August 1964 much of the violence that took place was of a sporadic nature. The size of Cyprus, with its customs and strong traditions, the news of an incident in one village would spread fear and apprehension to neighbouring villages. The most innocuous incident was capable of sparking off confrontation in this highly charged atmosphere. Two examples serve to illustrate this point. The first occurred in Ayios Sozomenos, an ethnically mixed village in the district of Nicosia. On 6 February 1964 the Greeks were attacked and two were killed. Retaliation followed by the Greeks, and seven Turks were killed in further clashes, as well as a further nine Greeks.

The second incident was triggered in Paphos where a Turk was killed by a sniper. The Turks retaliated and a heated exchange followed. Six Greeks and a Turk were killed. Further violence flared on the nights of 8/9 March when 14 Turks and 11 Greeks were killed. These incidents demonstrate that in an atmosphere as highly charged as that of Cyprus in 1964, shootings were triggered by the slightest prompting and could quickly escalate.

Most incidents were local and retaliatory in nature, usually a specific response to a particular incident. This is, for example, illustrated by the hostage exchange that took place in March 1964. Following numerous kidnappings and hostage taking, an exchange was organised on 7 March. About 225 Turkish hostages had been seized by Greek paramilitaries, of which around 175 had never returned, while about 41 Greeks remained missing. The exchange was designed to reduce tension, but in fact it had the opposite effect. Within 24 hours of the exchange a number of shooting incidents occurred throughout Cyprus. Again, revenge appears to have been the main motivating factor.

In Ktima, Turkish Cypriots took as hostages hundreds of Greek Cypriots who were shopping in the local market. The Turkish Cypriots claimed that their action was prompted by the reports of the Turkish Cypriot hostages who had gone missing. In total, 14 Turks and 11 Greeks lost their lives in Ktima. Inter-communal contact within Ktima virtually ceased. However, such confrontations, far from being a Greek Cypriot strategy to annihilate the Turks, were symptomatic of the fear which had spread all over the island. There is no evidence to suggest that there was anything pre-meditated about any of this conflict.

In mid-February 1964, inter-communal fighting intensified in Limassol which looked like provoking a Turkish invasion. This prompted Britain to appeal to the Security Council of the UN. Subsequently, on 4 March 1964, the Security Council passed a resolution to establish a peace keeping force in Cyprus.

By 27 March 1964 the first UN units arrived to take up official duties. Their arrival did not prevent the procurement of arms to Cyprus for both sides. Evidently, Turkish Cypriot nationalists were trying to increase the temperature. The Greek Cypriots formed a National Guard, and on 4 April 1964 launched an attack on the north Western coastal villages of Kokkina and Mansoura, where the Turks had established a bridgehead for the importation of arms and the landing of heavily armed troups from Turkey.

There was a violence pattern which was repeated throughout the island: arming Turkish nationalists and securing strategic positions for them; in the meantime, armed Greeks were boudn to respond with force. Although Turkish Cypriots were sparse in the Kokkina area, they had nevertheless allegedly been led there in order to provide safety. The clear intention, however, was to establish an enclave to justify the opening of a salient within easy reach of Turkey. In the meantime, the most significant consequence of the conflict on the island was the return of General Grivas to head the newly formed National Guard, and to bring discipline to the Greek paramilitary irregulars. From this point on, Grivas and Makarios were increasingly at odds over policy matters. Grivas had always put loyalty to Greece above that of a commitment to Cyprus as an independent republic.

In August 1964, another major battle took place in the Kokkina Mansoura area. Fighting broke out on 3 August and continued until 6 August, during which the Turkish air force bombed Greek villages indiscriminately with napalm. The clash at Kokkina drew sharp attention to the realities of Cypriot vulnerability to the power politics of Turkey. A cease-fire was reached on 9 August and drew to a close this latest serious outbreak of violence.

The resulting casualties, however, give an interesting insight into these events. According to Turkish sources, the fights at Kokkina resulted in 53 Greek Cypriots dead and 125 injured. On the Turkish side, only 12 fatalities and 32 wounded are recorded. These figures reflect the degree of military preparedness on the Turkish side and again emphasise that the Turkish Cypriot strategy was one of occupying strategic positions to facilitate territorial gain through armed rebellion, although camouflaged in the language of minority protection.

By the time that the cease-fire was achieved, every Turkish enclave in Cyprus had become an entrenched position, protected by UNFICYP forces. Enclaves now existed in every major town except Kyrenia. In the Lefka area there were 8,000 well-armed Turkish Cypriots and 1,000 TMT fighters strategically positioned to join up with any landing near Xeros. The big enclave north of Nicosia almost reached the sea at Temblos in the Kyrenia district. At Ktima, the Turkish position overlooked the coast from a strong defensive position. The Larnaca enclave commanded a piece of coast ideal for the use of light landing craft. At Kophinou in the Larnaca region, Turkish positions controlled the main roads from Nicosia to Limassol and Larnaca. The Castle at St Hilarion to the Pentadactylos mountain which dominates the main road from Nicosia to the northern port of Kyrenia, was another strategic position where skirmishes occurred and which became a crucial Turkish stronghold. Military analysis suggests that on instructions from Turkey, Turkish Cypriots began deliberately to occupy these strategic areas in preparation for further conflict.

The creation of enclaves was also a flagrant violation of land property rights at the expense of Greek Cypriots.

Land Ownership by Ethnic Group:

Greek/Armenian/Maronite Cypriots 4,123,813 -> 60.9%
Turkish Cypriots 848,858 -> 12.3%
Others 32,120 -> 0.5%
State Land -> 26.3%

Sourceepartment of Lands and Surveys (refer to Annex 14 in Volume II of the"Memorandum by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cyprus" submitted to the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of Commons, 27 February 1987.

The table demonstrates in fact that the withdrawal of the Turkish Cypriots into enclaves was inconsistent with their ownership of land on the island. During this period of prolonged crisis in Cyprus, the Turkish Government forcibly expelled Greeks from Constantinople. The Greek Government, on the contrary, took no retaliatory measures against the Moslem minority in Greek Western Thrace. However, this did not stop the Turkish air force from harassing the Dodecanese (Rhodes) and Greek islands lying closest to the Turkish Aegean coast.

In Cyprus, the total reported number of casualties over the period 21 December 1963 to 9 August 1964 vary only slightly. Turkish sources estimate about 350 Turkish deaths and about 200 Greek fatalities. The numbers include deaths resulting from rogue paramilitary action, as well as from exclusively military confrontations.

Below is a set of rules issued by the Turkish Cypriot leadership to the Turkish Cypriots on 18 December 1964:

 

Turkish Cypriots not in possession of a permit are prohibited to enter the Greek sector.

1. Those who disobey the order with a view to trading with Greek Cypriots should pay a fine of 25 or be punished with imprisonment.

2. A fine will be imposed on:-

(a) Those who converse or enter into negotiations with Greek Cypriots or accompany any stranger into our sector.

(b) Those who come into contact with Greek Cypriots for any official work.

(c) Those who appear before Greek Cypriot courts.

(d) Those who visit the Greek Cypriot hospitals for examination or in order to obtain pharmaceuticals ....

3. A fine of 25 or other severe punishment and one months imprisonment or whipping should be imposed on those who enter the Greek Cypriot sector:-

(a) For Promenade.

(b) For friendly association with Greek Cypriots.

(c) For amusement....

 

This remarkable quarantining of the Turkish Cypriots from the Greek Cypriots was effected entirely by the Turkish nationalist leadership, since such a separation was needed in order to pave the way for the eventual partition of the island.

The murder of Dervis Kavazoglu in 1965 further illustrates the point. Kavazoglu was a Turkish Cypriot journalist and trade unionist who had criticised the enforced separation of the Turkish Cypriots and also the leaderships policies. He and his Greek Cypriot friend, Costas Michaoulis, were on their way to Larnaca when they were both killed near the Turkish village of Lourougina. The are allegations that these murders were carried out on the instructions of the Turkish leadership. This again demonstrates that Turkish strategy was to divide the Greeks from the Turks.

Yet, by 1972 about 7,000 Turkish Cypriots, or 15% of the 46,000 strong Turkish Cypriot work force, worked outside the enclaves. The employment of Turkish Cypriots was closely controlled by the Turkish leadership and Turkish Cypriots needed a work permit. The stagnant Turkish Cypriot economy and rising unemployment in the enclaves were the main reasons for the decision to allow this policy. This demonstrates that the "from Turk to Turk" policy was never viable, but was simply a political nationalist ploy. It seems that Cypriots could work together amicably when it suited economic interests; but it was not possible when adopted for nationalist arguments by Turkey to advance the cause of partition.

The political significance of the enclaves far exceeded their size. The Turkish officers who were the real power behind the Turkish Cypriot throne, developed a highly militarised and rigid regime. The Turkish Cypriot leaderships policies helped fuel the fear and suspicion which was necessary to maintain their position of authority. The UN Secretary General, U. Thant, was critical of the self-isolation policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership. In effect, the Turkish Cypriots became hostages to the imposed policy of cessation dictated by TMT. It is now impossible to know what the true position of the majority of Turkish Cypriots was since their views were not sought and never publicly debated by their leaders. This treatment of the Turkish Cypriots by Turks as a political irrelevance continues to date. The lack of a genuine Turkish Cypriot voice, with the ability to put forward its own voice, rather than that of Turkey, is probably the greatest cause of the inability to resolve the Cyprus problem over the last three years.

1964 - 1966

Following the crisis of 1963 the island returned to general normality. The worst of the violence was over. The Turkish Cypriot paramilitaries had taken their positions and were determined to defend them, while the Greek Cypriot National Guard was obliged to take defensive positions in an attempt to prevent further no-go areas being created by the Turkish Cypriots. The Turkish Cypriot enclaves by now covered about 2% of the islands total area. Never at any time prior to the Turkish invasion Turkish Cypriots had occupied more than 12% of the total land of Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriots, however, declared their own administration and refused to recognise the Government of Cyprus as legitimate. Not surprisingly, the Government of Cyprus regarded the Turkish Cypriot position as one of rebellion.

The atmosphere on the island can be illustrated by the kind of incidents that occurred during these years. In 1965 there occurred 550 technical breaches of the cease-fire. However, a closer look reveals a total of only 26 casualties. 1966 saw far less shooting, and therefore even fewer casualties.

THE CRISIS OF 1967

The most significant event of 1967 in the SE-mediterranean was the downfall of democracy in Greece and its replacement by a military junta. It has frequently been alleged that George Papadopoulos, who led the coup, had been on the http://www.greece.org/AGAMEM~1/TURKEY/Takism5.htm - CIA pay-roll since 1952 and had acted as chief liaison officer between the KYP (the Greek subsidiary of the American http://www.greece.org/AGAMEM~1/TURKEY/Takism5.htm - CIA ) and the USA. The US administration provided training and material to the anti-constitutional forces before the coup and became their protector for seven years after.

For Cyprus, however, the consequences were to prove catastrophic. The emergence of the junta marked the beginning of a severe deterioration in relations between Athens and Nicosia, a sad affair that culminated in the military coup against Makarios in July 1974.

Since the Second World War, the US had funded an enormous military complex in Greece, and almost the entire Greek officer corp received US training. Greece was at the hub of CIA activity for the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. The Greek military even named their headquarters in Athens (the Pentagon) as a gesture of admiration.

Athens was the switching centre for all communications east and south of Greece, which had been received from the Middle East and Africa and then relayed to Washington. As a consequence, it was Washington who wished the Cyprus issue resolved, especially following the six day Arab-Israeli war, which acted as a timely reminder of how essential US facilities in Greece and Turkey were for the defence of Israel, as well as of NATO. The colonels agreed to meet officials of the Turkish Government, but no solution was found. In Turkey anti-Greek propaganda was yet again deliberately and cynically fuelled using protests over the alleged maltreatment of the Muslim minority in (Greek) Western Thrace. It is significant that the status of the Turkish Cypriots had improved to such an extent that Turkey was unable to continue to use this pretext. The enosis issue, however, became the chosen tool of the junta in its efforts to destabilise the Cypriot Government.

Against this background, a second major clash occurred in Cyprus on 15 November 1967. The Turkish Cypriot village of Kophinou is situated in the Larnaca area and sits on the junction where the road from Larnaca joins the road from Limassol. If cut, road communications would be disrupted and freedom of movement would be denied between the South-west and the remainder of the island. The appointment of a new Turkish officer in January 1967 to head the Turkish Cypriot paramilitaries heightened tension in the area. Known by his nom de guerre, Mehmet, a campaign of stopping traffic, altering road signs and a generally belligerent attitude aimed quite often at the local UN contingent was adopted by his paramilitaries. It was calculated to annoy, intimidate, and precipitate all but the Turkish Cypriots.

Turkish paramilitaries occupied positions on the high ground above Ayios Theodoros, the neighbouring village to Kophinou. By the Summer of 1967, the Greeks of Ayios Theodoros began to experience difficulties getting to their part of the village which could only be reached by travelling through the occupied Turkish sector. Whilst this was going on, the Greek Cypriot police decided to suspend their patrols in order to avoid any increase in tension. In September, Mehmet assaulted a UN major and was relieved of his command. The police then sought to resume their patrols, but were prevented from doing so by the Turkish paramilitaries. The tension imported by Mehmet, however, did not leave with him.

There followed two months of protracted negotiations in an attempt to restart the patrols which had taken place since the early 1960s and had only temporarily been stopped. UNFICYP agreed on the resumption of the patrols, and by mid October the UN Secretary General himself was becoming impatient at Turkish prevarication, which was clearly emanating from the Turkish leadership, and complained bitterly at Turkish Cypriot behaviour. The possibility of another no go area was unacceptable to the Cypriot Government, especially in view of the strategic significance of the junction of the Larnaca-Limassol road.

On 27 October 1967, the UN Secretary General was therefore driven to make a personal appeal to the Turkish Government, asking them to co-operate with the UN authorities in Cyprus in order to restore freedom of movement in the Kophinou area. However, his pleas were met with an obstinateness and stubbornness that has characterised Turkeys involvement in Cyprus ever since. There followed more prevarication and on 13 November 1967 the UN met with the Cyprus government, followed on 14 November by two police patrols moving through the area. They completed their patrol unhindered. The following day, however, another police patrol following the same route was shot at by Turkish-Cypriot nationalists.

The National Guard, by this time joined by Grivas, retaliated, as the Turks knew they would, and the result was a battle which went on through the night. On 16 March, inevitably, the National Guard and the police were withdrawn. However, by then the death toll amounted to 22 Turkish casualties and one Greek. This event was isolated and did not escalate into island wide violence, as had been the case in 1963/64. This episode has since been described by Turkish propagandists as a "genocide" committed against the Turkish Cypriots. The sad reality is that it had been deliberately instigated by Turkey, who was by now playing with the lives of the Turkish Cypriots. The Turkish response was immediate and pre-meditated. Turkish war planes made sorties over Greek Thrace and troops were concentrated on the Greco-Turkish border. Yet again, the threat of war and a danger to the cohesion of NATOs southern flank emerged.

There followed an intense period of American shuttle diplomacy by President Lyndon Johnsons envoy Cyrus Vance. The outcome was the presentation of a set of stiff demands on the Greek Junta by the Turkish Government. The result was the Juntas agreement to virtually every Turkish demand. The colonels agreed to withdraw Grivas and all their excess troops who had entered Cyprus. Significantly, no Turkish troops from the inestimable number who had also joined the Turkish contingent since 1959 left the island. Any economic restrictions were also withdrawn from the Turkish enclaves, a gesture not reciprocated by the Turkish side, who continued to maintain their road blocades.

The political repercussions were devastating for the Greek Cypriots. The island was now virtually undefended and any threat of invasion could only be met by token resistance. The Turks could see that the Greeks were unable to use their numerical strength to establish government control over the whole island, and that Greece was unwilling to risk a war, whatever the outcome. This assured, the Turkish Cypriots proceeded to declare their "separate Turkish administration" on 29 December 1967 over those areas under their control. A few Turkish Cypriot lives had given Turkey the perfect pretext to begin its incremental annexation of Northern Cyprus.

Although the crisis had now passed, the relationship between Athens and Nicosia had irrevocably changed. From this point on the Greek military junta became convinced that the `Cyprus problem could only be solved by eliminating Makarios, because the price of a settlement with the Turks would inevitably be beyond anything Makarios would accept. The junta, anxious to appeal to its US masters, wanted a solution acceptable to Turkey, and this would involve some form of partition. On 12 January 1968, Makarios declared enosis officially no longer feasible. The tilt towards the acceptance of independence as the new reality was now given unambiguous official approval. Makarios followed this declaration by an election victory, in which he received 96% of the vote, an increase of 32% over the 1960 election due to communist support.

The political problem now emerging was how to present an agenda which could deal effectively with democratic imperative (Cyprus had had a legitimate communist party and a new socialist party) while making clear Cypruss disinterest to the Greek dictatorship.

Cyprus knew, however, that it was only a matter of time before Turkey chose to invade and complete its objectives. The primary function of the officer corp was to erode the authority of the Cyprus Government, rather than to plan for the defence of the island against the expected Turkish invasion. Indeed, given the seven year notice Cyprus had of Turkeys intention to invade, it is remarkable that no coherent defence strategy was adopted. The Greek colonels saw this as the achievement of a common front with its NATO ally Turkey against communism. Any resistance on the part of the Cypriots to preserve the unity and territorial integrity of their state was branded anti-enosist and anti-Hellenist.



-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:09

THE COUP DETAT AND THE TURKISH INVASION OF CYPRUS JULY 1974

On 15 July 1974 extreme elements nationalist of the National Guard led by its Greek officers launched a military coup with the objective of overthrowing the Government. The Presidential Palace was bombed but, for the third time Makarios escaped and was flown out of Cyprus by British forces. Nicos Sampson was installed as President. Sampson was well known for his paramilitary involvement, and as the owner of a news paper, with fanatical pro-Greek nationalistic leanings. The coup was, in essence, a short term civil war between Greek factions and was completely unrelated to the inter-communal issue which had been dormant for seven years. Indeed, the perpetrators of the coup went out of their way to tell the world that this was an internal Greek matter. The situation was now quite different to that of 1963/64. The coup involved only the Greek Cypriots and, as Denktash had acknowledged, the Turkish Cypriots were mere spectators.

Between 1967 and 1974 relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots had much improved, with no further incidents of violence by either government or paramilitary groups. The Turks moved freely around the island. The enclaves existed only to sustain the argument for separation, although about 6,000 Turkish Cypriots had drifted back to their homes outside of the enclaves by the early 1970s. Only four months before the coup, Denktash was invited to speak at a Greek Cypriot gathering of businessmen and professionals. There was a readiness on the part of various groups of both communities to take part in seminars organised to promote inter-ethnic understanding. The improvement in relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots is acknowledged, even by the most partisan of Turcophile commentators. It is therefore extremely difficult to identify a legitimate fear on the part of the Turkish Cypriot as a result of the coup. The only human victims of the coup were the Greek Cypriots.

Having received reports of an impending coup, the http://www.greece.org/cyprus/Takism5.htm - and Kissinger in particular chose not to prevent it, fuelling the allegations that it had tacitly supported it. Thomas Boyatt, the Cyprus Desk officer in the State Department warned consistently of a coup and the inevitable Turkish response. Boyatt had served as a diplomat on the island. He confirmed that the Junta was planning an attack on Cyprus. His pre-coup memoranda were classified as secret and have never been released. Indeed, after the invasion Boyatt was forbidden by Kissinger to testify before Congress, and finally did so only in order to avoid being cited for contempt. Evidence was only taken in executive session of Congress, so sensitive was it considered to be. In July 1974, even the Greek Cypriot daily Apogevmatini described in its editorial the impending coup to be carried out by EOKA-B. The US responded with a wait and see policy. After all, the outcome could well suit them, and it did. Five days after the coup Turkey invaded, and unlike 1964, there was no urging of restraint by the US State Department. There was now no need because the US-backed Junta would not go to war against Turkey without American consent. Turkish troops landed in Kyrenia in the early hours of 20 July 1974.

From 1967 until the time of the coup in 1967, there had been no further recorded incidents of inter-communal violence in Cyprus. Turkeys alleged legal justification for her invasion in 1974 was founded under article (iv) of the Treaty of Guarantee which permits intervention, but for the sole purpose of restoring the constitutional arrangements as laid down in the London-Zurich agreements of 1959, not for the purpose of over-throwing them altogether. The article is also silent about the use of armed force in this restoration as a result of unilateral intervention. The British, who had imposed themselves as one of the three guarantor powers, and in the defence of many having caused an inter-communal problem where one had existed by abusing the status of the Turkish-Cypriot minority, now decided to avoid their obligations under the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee. Having insisted on the treaty in 1960, Britains Foreign Secretary in 1974, James Callaghan, although greatly dissapointed by Kissingers attitude, abdicated all responsibility to US Secretary of State.

In response to the Turkish invasion, the Greek army attempted to mobilise, but the mobilisation never really got off the ground. In addition, in Cyprus Greek troops were repeatedly withdrawn by the officers from the front-line offering an unfettered line of advance to the Turks. It was almost as if the partition of the island was pre-arranged. The corruption and incompetence of the junta over the previous six years had taken its toll. Within a few days of the invasion, the junta in Athens collapsed, followed by its puppet regime in Nicosia. Power returned to civilians under Constantine Karamalis in Greece, while the Greek Presidency went to Glafkos Clerides, Makarios deputy. Constitutional order, under which Turkey attempted to justify her invasion, was now restored. The cease-fire arranged by the UN now simply acted as a respite to give Turkey an opportunity to consolidate her gains and bringing in massive reinforcements to complete her strategic contingent.

It is, however, very hard to find any legal justification for Turkeys appalling violations of human rights in Cyprus as witnessed by the findings of the Council of Europe. We know today that thousands of Cyprioy civilians were murdered or tortured. Many women and children still remain missing. Over 1,000 women were raped. How can this appalling brutality be justified by an attempt to restore a constitution?

Further support for the argument that the Turkish Governments real goal was not the restoration of constitutional order but sheer order, becomes apparent when looking at the Geneva peace conference called in the wake of the original July invasion.

On 9 August 1974, when Turkey held only the narrow Kyrenia-Nicosia corridor, the Turkish foreign minister handed an ultimatum to the Greek Cypriot negotiator Glafkos Clerides demanding the immediate cessation of 35% of Cypriot territory to the Turkish army. When Clerides requested 36 hours to discuss it with his Government, not a wholly unreasonably request given the circumstances, his request was denied.

As regards Gunes, Turkish negotiator, the demand was non-negotiable. Turkey then launched a second invasion on 14 August 1974, this time conquering 37% of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus. By then the Sampson regime had fallen, as had the Greek Junta. Following this second offensive begun on 14 August, Greek-Cypriot retaliatory killings began against the Turks after the ethnic cleansing of Greek Cypriots from their homes had occurred, and the majority of the human rights violations were becoming known. In the village of Tokni, 69 Turkish Cypriots were murdered and later found in a mass grave. In Aloa, 57 Turkish Cypriots were killed, while in Maratha a further 88 corpses were discovered in a mass grave.

Following the invasion a report was prepared by the Commission of the Council of Europe as a result of a complaint by the Cyprus Government. The report examines alleged breaches of the articles of the Convention of Human Rights of which each member of the Council of Europe (including Turkey) is a signatory. The following is the summary as printed by the "Sunday Times" on 23 January 1977:

KILLING Relevant Article of Human Rights Convention:- Everyones right to life shall be protected by law.

Charge made by Greek Cypriots: The Turkey army embarked on a systematic course of mass killings of civilians unconnected with any war activity.

Evidence given to the Commission: Witness Mrs K said that on 21 July 1974, the second day of the Turkish invasion, she and a group of villages from Elia were captured when, fleeing from bombardment, they tried to reach a range of mountains. All 12 men arrested were civilians. They were separated from the women and shot in front of the women, under orders of a Turkish officer. Some of the men were holding children, three of whom were wounded.

Written statements referred to two more group killings: at Trimithi, eye-witnesses told of the deaths of five men (two shepherds aged 60 and 70, two masons of 20 and 60, and a 19 year-old plumber). At Palekythron 30 Greek Cypriot soldiers being held prisoner were killed by their captors, according to the second statement.

Witness S gave evidence of two other mass killings at Palekythron. In each case, between 30 and 40 soldiers who had surrendered to the advancing Turks were shot. In the second case, the witness said: "the soldiers were transferred to the kilns of the village where they were shot dead and burnt in order not to leave details of what had happened".

Seventeen members of two neighbouring families, including 10 women and five children aged between two and nine were also killed in cold blood at Palekythron, reported witness H, a doctor. Further killings described in the doctors notes, recording evidence related to him by patients (either eye-witnesses or victims), included;

         Execution of eight civilians taken prisoner by Turkish soldiers in the area of Prastio, one day after the cease-fire on 16 August 1974.

         Killing by Turkish soldiers of five unarmed Greek Cypriot soldiers who had sought refuge in a house at Voni.

         Shooting of four women, one of whom survived by pretending she was dead.

Further evidence, taken in refugee camps and in the form of written statements, described killings of civilians in homes, streets or fields, as well as the killing of people under arrest or in detention. Eight statements described the killing of soldiers not in combat; five statements referred to a mass grave found in Dherynia.

Commissions verdict: By 14 votes to one, the Commission considered there were "very strong indications" of violation of Article 2 and killings "committed on a substantial scale".

RAPE Relevant Article:- No one shall be subjected to torture or to in-human or degrading treatment or punishment.

Charge:- Turkish troops were responsible for wholesale and repeated rapes of women of all ages from 12 to 71. Sometimes to such an extent that the victims suffered haemorrhages or became mental wrecks. In some areas, enforced prostitution was practised, all women and girls of a village being collected and put into separate rooms in empty houses where they were raped repeatedly.

In certain cases members of the same family were repeatedly raped, some of them in front of their own children. In other cases women were brutally raped in public.

Rapes were on many occasions accompanied by brutality such as violent biting of the victims, causing severe wounding, banging their heads on the floor and wringing their throats almost to the point of suffocation. In some cases attempts to rape were followed by the stabbing or killing of the victims, including pregnant and mentally-retarded women.

Evidence given to Commission:- Testimony of doctors C and H, who examined the victims. Eye-witnesses and hearsay witnesses also gave evidence, and the Commission had before it written statements from 41 alleged victims.

Dr H said he had confirmed rape in 70 cases, including:-

         A mentally-retarded girl of 24 was raped in her house by 20 soldiers. When she started screaming they threw her from the second floor window. She fractured her spine and was paralysed.

         One day after their arrival at Voni, Turks took girls to a nearby house and raped them. ? One woman from Voni was raped on three occasions by four persons each time. She became pregnant.

         One girl, from Palekythrou, who was held with others in a house, was taken out at gun point and raped.

         At Tanvu, Turkish soldiers tried to rape a 17 year-old girl. She resisted and was shot dead.

         A woman from Gypsou told Dr H that 25 girls were kept by Turks at Marathouvouno as prostitutes.

Another witness said his wife was raped in front of their children. Witness S told of 25 girls who complained to Turkish officers about being raped and were raped again by the officers. A man (name withheld) reported that his wife was stabbed in the neck while resisting rape. His grand-daughter, aged six, had been stabbed and killed by Turkish soldiers attempting to rape her.

A Red Cross witness said that in August 1974, while the islands telephones were still working, the Red Cross Society received calls from Palekythrou and Kaponti reporting rapes. The Red Cross also took care of 38 women released from Voni and Gypsou detention camps; all had been raped, some in front of their husbands and children. Others had been raped repeatedly, or put in houses frequented with Turkish soldiers.

These women were taken to Akrotiri hospital, in the British Sovereign Base Area, where they were treated. Three were found to be pregnant. Reference was also made to several abortions performed at the base.

Commissions verdict:- By 12 votes to one the Commission found "that the incidents of rape described in the cases referred to and regarded as established constitute "in-human treatment" and thus violations of Article 3 for which Turkey is responsible under the Convention."

TORTURE Relevant article:- see above under Rape.

Charge: Hundreds of people, including children, women and pensioners, were victims of systematic torture and savage and humiliating treatment during their detention by the Turkish army. They were beaten, according to the allegations, sometimes to the extent of being incapacitated. Many were subjected to whipping, breaking of their teeth, knocking their heads against walls, beating with electrified clubs, stubbing of cigarettes on their skin, jumping and stepping on their chests and hands, pouring dirty liquids on them, piercing them with bayonets, etc.

Many, it was said, were ill-treated to such an extent that they became mental and physical wrecks. The brutalities complained of reached their climax after the cease-fire agreements; in fact, most of the acts described were committed at a time when Turkish armed forces were not engaged in any war activities.

Evidence to Commission: Main witness was a school teacher, one of 2,000 Greek Cypriot men deported to Turkey. He stated that he and his fellow detainees were repeatedly beaten after their arrest, on their way to Adana (in Turkey), in jail at Adana and in prison camp at Amasya.

On ship to Turkey:- "That was another moment of terrible beating again. We were tied all the time. I lost the sense of touch. I could not feel anything for about two or three months. Every time we asked for water or spoke we were beaten."

Arriving at Adana:- "... then, one by one, they led us to prisons, through a long corridor .. Going through that corridor was another terrible experience. There were about 100 soldiers from both sides with sticks, clubs and with their fists beating every one of us while going to the other end of the corridor. I was beaten at least 50 times until I reached the other end.

"In Adana anyone who said he wanted to see a doctor was beaten.

"Beating was on the agenda every day. There were one or two very good, very nice people, but they were afraid to show their kindness, as they told us."

Witness P spoke of:-

         A fellow prisoner who was kicked in the mouth. He lost several teeth "and his lower jaw came off in pieces".

         A Turkish officer, a karate student, who exercised every day by hitting prisoners.

         Fellow prisoners who were hung by the feet over the hole of a lavatory for hours.

         A Turkish second lieutenant who used to prick all prisoners with a pin when they were taken into a yard.

Evidence from Dr H said that prisoners were in an emaciated condition on their return to Cyprus. On nine occasions he had found signs of wounds.

The doctor gave a general description of conditions in Adana and in detention camps in Cyprus (at Pavlides Garage and the Saray Prison in the Turkish quarter of Nicosia) as reported to him by former detainees. Food, he said, consisted of one-eight of a loaf of bread a day, with occasional olives; there were about two buckets of water and two mugs which were never cleaned, from which about 1,000 people had to drink; toilets were filthy, with faeces rising over the basins; floors were covered with faeces and urine; in jail in Adana prisoners were kept 76 to a cell with three towels between them and one block of soap per eight persons per month to wash themselves and their clothes.

One man, it was alleged, had to amputate his own toes with a razor blade as a consequence of ill-treatment. Caught in Achna with another man, they had been beaten up with hard objects. When he asked for a glass of water he was given a glass full of urine. His toes were then stepped on until they became blue, swollen and eventually gangrenous (the other man was said to have been taken to hospital in Nicosia, where he agreed to have his legs amputated. He did not survive the operation).

According to witness S:- "hundreds of Greek Cypriots were beaten and dozens were executed. They have cut off their ears in some cases, like the case of Palekythron and Trahoni ..." (verbatim record).

Verdict by Commission: By 12 votes to one, the Commission concluded that prisoners were in a number of cases physically ill-treated by Turkish soldiers.

"These acts of ill-treatment caused considerable injuries and in at least one case, death of a victim. By their severity they constitute "in-human treatment" in the sense of Article 3, for which Turkey is responsible under the Convention."

LOOTING Relevant article:- Every natural or legal person is entitled to the peaceful enjoyment of his possessions.

Charge: In all Turkish-occupied areas the Turkish army systematically looted houses and businesses of Greek Cypriots.

Evidence to Commission: Looting in Kyrenia was described by witness C:- "... The first days of looting of the shops was done by the army of heavy things like refrigerators, laundry machines, television sets" (verbatim record).

For weeks after the invasion, he said, he had watched Turkish naval ships taking on board the looted goods.

Witness K, a barrister, described the pillage of Famagusta:- "At two oclock an organised, systematic, terrifying, shocking, unbelievable looting started ... We heard the breaking of doors, some of them iron doors, smashing of glass, and we were waiting for them any minute to enter the house. This lasted for about four hours."

Written statements by eye-witnesses of looting were corroborated by several reports by the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

Verdict of Commission: The Commission accepted that looting and robbery on an extensive scale, by Turkish troops and Turkish Cypriots, had taken place. By 12 votes to one, it established that there had been deprivation of possessions of Greek Cypriots on a large scale.

OTHER CHARGES

On four counts:- the Commission concluded that Turkey had also violated an Article of the Convention asserting the right to respect for private and family life, home and correspondence. The Commission also decided that Turkey was continuing to violate the Article by refusing to allow the return of more than 170,000 Greek Cypriot refugees to their homes in the north.

On three counts:- the Commission said Turkey had breached an Article laying down the right to liberty and security of persons by confining more than 2,000 Greek Cypriots in schools and churches.

Finally, the Commission said Turkey had violated two more articles that specify that the rights and freedoms in the Convention shall be secured without discrimination on any grounds, and that anyone whose rights are violated "shall have an effective remedy before a national authority."

The European Commission on Human Rights has outlined in great detail the actions of the Turkish armed forces and the treatment that it handed out to those Greek Cypriot civilians with whom it came into contact. 5,000 Greek Cypriot civilians were murdered, over 1,000 women were raped. Over 1,619 Greek Cypriots were abducted and remain missing, their whereabouts never disclosed by the Turkish authorities. The brutality the Turkish army brought with it was specifically designed to terrify the local Greek Cypriot creating 200,000 refugees.

By 18 August the Turkish army had drawn a line (aptly called the Attila line) across the island, which remains to this day and follows the proposed line suggested in 1957 very closely. The long cherished aims of Kibris Turktur were partly fulfilled and there have been numerous calls since 1974 from Turkish nationalist groups to go on and "finish the job".

An ethnic group, which in 1964 owned about 12% of the land of Cyprus, had managed, by means of violence and manipulation, in gaining control of over 37%.



-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:26

"an Englishmen named John Kidney lost his job as head of the TASIS Hellenic International School in Athens, when his work permit was withdrawn by the Greek authorities, because his pupils were allowed to consider the Turkish side of the Cyprus question. Although he had no knowledge of what was happening in the controversial current affairs on Cyprus, he was held technically responsible. Apparently pupils were asked by the history techer to write an essay on the Turkish side of the Cyprus issue, and four Turkish pampleths on Cyprus were lodged in the library. The history teacher concerned was dismissed, while the work permits of two other members of staff were withdrawn. This is clear indication of Greek intolerance and bigotry from which the non-Greek communities , both in Greece and in Cyprus, have been suffering for many years" Times Educational Supplement, 15.06.1984.

"Hatred in Cyprus, Makarios Enigma

Archbishop Makarios, robed and bearded cleric who serves as President of Cyprus, has a Byzantine talent for equitationHis government deliberately provoked the clashes and is bent upon the extermination of the Turkish population" Washington Post, 16.02.1964, article by Robert H. Estabrooh.

"the fanatic Greeks are gradually approaching to ethnic genocide" Washington Post, 17.02.1964.

"If Turkey comes in order to save Turkish Cypriots, Turkey will find no Turkish Cypriots to save" The statement of Archbishop Makarios, August 1964.

"In the island, thousands of Turks were held as hostages. Turkish women were raped and Turkish children killed on the streets. The Turkish quarter in Limassol was burnt down. The incidents have been confirmed by Greek Cypriots." The London Times, 22.07.1974.

"the Greeks killed many women and children in Limassol. I have seen the bodies of 20 children lying on the roadsome were wounded and cryingthe Greek soldiers are waiting for their turn to enter in the Turkish homes and kill the women" United Press International (UPI), 23.07.1974.

"the human mind can not comprehend the Greeks butchery. Greek National Guardentering the Turkish homes, ruthlessly rained bullets on women and children, they cut the throats of many Turks; rounding up the Turkish women, theyraped them all" Voice of Germany, 30.07.1974.

"I saw with my own eyes the shameful incidents. The Greeks burned Turkish mosques and set fire to Turkish homes in the villages around Famagusta. Defenceless Turkish villagers, who have no weapons, live in an atmosphere of terror, created by the Greek marauders, and they evacuate their homes and go and live in tents in the forest. The Greeks with their bazookas create total chaos in the Turkish villages. The Greeks actions are a shame to humanity. Those Turks who can save their lives run to the nearby hills and are able to do nothing but watch the callous looting of their homes." France Soir, 24.07.1974.

"In the Turkish village of Aleminio, the Turks were collected in front of a wall and the Greek national army shot them all and killed them indiscriminately" NBC, National Broadcasting Corporation, 29.07.1974, reported by John Palmer.

"what happened in Cyprus during the coup detat, can not be namedit can only be called as dirty and inhuman" The Sun, 03.09.1974.

The Greeks were also massacring their own people as well. Mrs Rina Catselli, wife of a Greek Cypriot M.P., in her memoirs on coup detat in Cyprus on 15 July 1974, recalls:

"At the Castle of Kyrinia, I saw the Greeks massacring their Greek brothers under the Greek flagThey were not hesitating to crush any one who were not supporting themOrder was given to a Greek soldier with a machine gun to shoot at the Kyrinia Metropolit. He was killed by another Greek when he did not obey the ordertwo children were killed by the Greek soldiers. The father asked for the bodies. They killed the father as well and buried all in the mass gravesIn the Nicosia general hospital, the soldiers from Greece did not allow the doctors to treat the wounded people who supported MakariosIf these people from Greece are Hellenes, we should stop calling ourselves Hellenesmass arrest of those not supporting them started. The roads of Kyrinia were full of armed persons sent by the Greek juntaI have never thought that one day I will be arrested by brother Greeks and put in the Kyrinia Castle. I pray for justice and freedom to come back" Catselli Rina, Refugee in my Homeland, 1979.

"We should not be ready even to discuss the system of rotational Presidency within a federal systemBecause, we ther Greeks, can not tolerate even one day to a Turkish President" O. Baraderides, Agon (Greek Cypriot daily), 29.09.1991.

"Papandreu [Greek politician], with this kind of behaviour, looks like an acrobat without an umbrella on the rope, using his arms to establish the balancePapandreu deliversmany meaningless speeshs with this method which invites reaction. However, to respond Papandreu with the same method, will cause more shouting from him" Los Angeles Times, 19.03.1985.

"We have been informed that you are making a great mistake at the expense of Greek Cypriots e.g. there is a Greek-owned car which goes to Dhekelia yet you prefer to travel there by a Turkish-owned car.

You are not ashamed either of God or of man and you accept exploitation by the Turks? Pityyou are called Greeks. Dont you know that you violate your religion and betray your fatherland by cooperating with Turks?

I ORDER YOU TO STOP IMMEDIATELY GOING OUT WITH THEM. Otherwise EOKA, the punisher,will fall on your head and we shall stain our hands with the blood of traitors and make a lesson of you.

When water and fire become intimate friends and when hell and paradise unite, then and only then shall we be the sincere friends of the Turks.

You must remember therefore that within three hours from the recipt of my letter you must stop cooperating with the Turks otherwise I will order your immediate execution.

EOKA

Dhigenis, The Leader

14.05.1956"



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:26

Below are 3 documents about the NATO and US involvment in the Cyprus tragedy at 1974. These documents have been declasified and publised.

Sources:
Athanasios Strigas

Titles of Books:
1) Kypros: Aporritos Fakelos
2) Diethneis Synomotes.

Athanasios Strigas is a former NATO advisor and he was the special advisor of the former NATO comander Gen Alexander Haig also former US Secretary of State.

ORGANISATION DU TRAITE DE L'ATLANTIQUE NORD
NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION

TOP SECRET

SECRETAIRE GENERAL
SG/SD/WASHDC-12/526-D48/JULE74

FROM: SECRETARY GENERAL
TO: SECRETARY OF DEFENCE/WASHDC

Subject: Assistant Undersecretary of State Sisco's visit,


The Assistant Undersecretary of state Sisco's visit to the Alliance, showed the decision of the American goverment to finish the Cyprus problem.
We agreed with Mr Sisco for supporting the Turkish army during the landing, as well as, in the violent expulsion of Makarios.

Joseph Luns
Secretaty General of NATO.

 

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

TELEGRAM

TOP SECRET 4398

RAGE 01 WHASHINGTON DC 041622Z

11

ACTION K-12

INFO CO 03 ISO - CP C

R41317Z MAY 74
FM SECSTATE WASHDC 5954
TO AMEMBASSY NICOSIA

TOPSEC WASHDC 4398

SUBJECT: FINAL CURE

H PASS: AMBASSADOR/COS ME

THERE: YOU WILL PROCEED TO THE FINAL CURE OF THE ARCHBISHOP MAKARIOS.
THE FINAL CURE IS A DECISION OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL/PRM-42.
FOLLOW THE SPECIAL DIRECTIONS.
KISSINGER


TOP SECRET 4398

 

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

TELEGRAM

TOP SECRET 6374

PAGE 01 WASHINGTON DC 041842

11

ACTION K-12

INFO OCT-01 ISO /006 ME

R 041329Z JUN 74
FM SECSTATE WASH 5954
TO AMCOS/MIDEAST

TOPSEC WASHDC 6374

SUBJECT: AMBASSODOR OF CYPRUS

CLEAN THE TABLE OF OUR AMBASSADOR IN CYPRUS, THE CLEANING IS A DECISION OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL/PM-36
FOLLOW THE PROGRAM DIRECTLY
KISSINGER


TOP SECRET 6374



-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:29
Spartacus time does not make things less crucial.And by the way of your attitude and resources i see that you are not the man to acces those kinds of things.If you are i am sorry for greece

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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:30

You are right greece has no power in the EU:

"Greece belongs to Europe. But does it belong to the European Union? One has to doubt itIs a country which extremely profits from the EU, but still wants to set its own will an agreeable partner?There is only one single, unfriendly expression to describe it: political blacxkmailWhere will a common foreign policy lead to if it is dominated by Greek neurosia. That is the question the other EU members will have to answer" Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 14.02.1995.



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:30

A nation betrayed

Christopher Hitchens, The Guardian

Monday February 26, 2001

In his explosive new book, The Trial of Henry Kissinger, Christopher Hitchens argues that the former US secretary of state should be prosecuted for crimes against humanity. Here, in our second exclusive extract, he explains why Kissinger should be held responsible for the bloody invasion of Cyprus.

In Years of Upheaval, the second volume of his trilogy of memoirs, Henry Kissinger found the subject of the 1974 Cyprus catastrophe so awkward that he decided to postpone consideration of it: "I must leave a full discussion of the Cyprus episode to another occasion, for it stretched into the Ford presidency and its legacy exists unresolved today."

In most of his writing about himself, Kissinger projects a strong impression of a man at home in the world and on top of his brief. But there are a number of occasions when it suits him to pose as a sort of Candide: naive, ill- prepared for and easily unhorsed by events. No doubt this pose costs him some self-esteem. It is a pose, furthermore, which he often adopts at precisely the time when the record shows him to be knowledgeable, and when knowledge or foreknowledge would confront him with charges of responsibility or complicity.

Kissinger now argues, in the long-delayed third volume of his memoirs, Years of Renewal, that he was prevented and distracted, by Watergate and the meltdown of the Nixon presidency, from taking an interest in the crucial triangle of force between Greece, Turkey and Cyprus. This is a bizarre disclaimer: the proximity of Cyprus to the Middle East was a factor never absent from US strategic thinking, and there was no reason of domestic policy to prevent the region from engaging his attention. Furthermore, the very implosion of Nixonian authority, cited as a reason for Kissinger's absence of mind, in fact bestowed extraordinary powers upon him.

When he became secretary of state in 1973, Kissinger took care to retain his post as special assistant to the president for national security affairs, or national security adviser. This made him the first and only secretary of state to hold the chairmanship of the elite and secretive Forty Committee, which considered and approved covert actions by the CIA. Mean while, as chairman of the National Security Council, he held a position where every important intelligence plan passed across his desk. His former NSC aide, Roger Morris, was not exaggerating by much, if at all, when he said that Kissinger's dual position, plus Nixon's eroded status, made him "no less than acting chief of state for national security".

Kissinger gives one hostage to fortune in Years of Upheaval and another in Years of Renewal. In the former, he says plainly: "I had always taken it for granted that the next intercommunal crisis in Cyprus would provoke Turkish intervention." That is, it would at least risk the prospect of a war within Nato between Greece and Turkey, and would certainly involve the partition of the island. That this was common knowledge may not be doubted by any person even lightly acquainted with Cypriot affairs. In the latter volume, Kissinger repeatedly asks the reader why anyone (such as himself, so burdened with Watergate) would have sought "a crisis in the eastern Mediterranean between two Nato allies".

These two disingenuous statements need to be qualified in the light of a third, which appears on page 199 of Years of Renewal. Here, President Makarios of Cyprus is described without adornment as "the proximate cause of most of Cyprus's tensions". Makarios was the democratically elected leader of a virtually unarmed republic. His rule was challenged, and the independence of Cyprus was threatened, by a military dictatorship in Athens and a highly militarised government in Turkey, both of which sponsored rightwing gangster organisations on the island, and both of which had plans to annex the greater or lesser part of it. Several attempts had been made on Makarios's life. To describe him as "the proximate cause" of the tensions is to make a wildly aberrant moral judgment.

This same judgment, however, supplies the key that unlocks the lie at the heart of Kissinger's presentation. If the elected civilian authority (and spiritual leader of the Greek Orthodox community) is the "proximate cause" of the tensions, then his removal from the scene is self-evidently the cure for them. If one can demonstrate that there was such a removal plan, and that Kissinger knew about it in advance, then it follows logically that he was not ostensibly looking for a crisis - as he self-pityingly asks us to disbelieve - but for a solution. The fact that he got a crisis, which was also a hideous calamity for the region, does not change the equation. It is attributable to the other observable fact that the scheme to remove Makarios, on which the "solution" depended, was in practice a failure. But those who willed the means and wished the ends are not absolved from guilt by the refusal of reality to match their schemes.

It is, from Kissinger's own record, as well as from the record of the subsequent official inquiry, easy to demonstrate that he did have advance knowledge of the plan to depose Makarios. He admits as much himself, by noting that the Greek dictator Dimitrios Ioannides, head of the secret police, was determined to mount a coup in Cyprus and bring the island under the control of Athens. This was one of the better-known facts of the situation, as was the more embarrassing fact that Brigadier Ioannides was dependent on US military aid and political sympathy. His police state had been expelled from the Council of Europe and blocked from joining the EEC, and it was largely the advantage conferred by his agreement to "home port" the US Sixth Fleet, and host a string of US air and intelligence bases, that kept him in power. This policy was highly controversial in Congress and in the American press, and the argument over it was part of Kissinger's daily bread long before Watergate.

Thus it was understood in general that the Greek dictatorship, a US client, wished to see Makarios overthrown and had already tried to have him killed. (Overthrow and assassination, incidentally, are effectively coterminous in this account; there was no possibility of leaving such a charismatic leader alive, and those who sought his removal invariably intended his death.) This was also understood in particular . The most salient proof is this. In May 1974, two months before the coup in Nicosia, which Kissinger later claimed was a shock, he received a memorandum from the head of his state department Cyprus desk, Thomas Boyatt. Boyatt summarised the reasons for believing that a Greek junta attack on Cyprus was imminent. He further argued that, in the absence of a US representation to Athens, warning the dictators to desist, it might be assumed that the United States was indifferent to this. And he added what everybody knew - that such a coup, if it went forward, would beyond doubt trigger a Turkish invasion.

Prescient memos are a dime a dozen in Washington after a crisis; they are often then read for the first time, or leaked to the press or Congress. But Kissinger now admits that he saw this document in real time, while engaged in his shuttle between Syria and Israel (both of them within half an hour's flying time of Cyprus). Yet no dιmarche bearing his name or carrying his authority was issued to the Greek junta.

A short while afterwards, Kissinger received a call from Senator J William Fulbright, the chairman of the Senate foreign relations committee. Senator Fulbright had been briefed about the impending coup by a senior Greek dissident journalist in Washington named Elias P Demetracopoulos. He told Kissinger that steps should be taken to avert the planned Greek action, and he gave three reasons. The first was that it would repair some of the moral damage done by the US governments indulgence of the junta. The second was that it would head off a confrontation between Greece and Turkey in the Mediterranean. The third was that it would enhance US prestige on the island. Kissinger declined to take the recommended steps, on the bizarre grounds that he could not intervene in Greek "internal affairs" at a time when the Nixon administration was resisting pressure from Senator Henry Jackson to link US-Soviet trade to the free emigration of Russian Jewry. However odd this line of argument, it still makes it impossible for Kissinger to claim, as he still does, that he had had no warn ing.

So there was still no high-level US concern registered with Athens. The difficulty is sometimes presented as one of protocol or etiquette, as if Kissinger's regular custom was to whisper and tread lightly. But again I remind you that Henry Kissinger, in addition to his formal diplomatic eminence, was also head of the Forty Committee, and supervisor of covert action, and was dealing in private with an Athens regime that had long-standing CIA ties. Boyatt's memoranda, warning of what was to happen, were classified as secret and have still never been released. Asked to testify to a Congressional hearing, he was at first forbidden by Kissinger to appear. He was only finally permitted to do so in order that he might avoid a citation for contempt. His evidence was taken in "executive session", with the hearing room cleared of staff, reporters and visitors.

Events continued to gather pace. On July 1 1974, three senior officials of the Greek foreign ministry, all known for their moderate views on the Cyprus question, publicly tendered their resignations. On July 3, President Makarios made public an open letter to the Greek junta, which made the direct accusation of foreign interference and subversion. He called for the withdrawal from Cyprus of the officers responsible.

Some days after the coup, which eventually occurred on July 15 1974, when challenged at a press conference about his apparent failure to foresee or avert it, Kissinger replied that "the information was not lying around in the streets". Actually, it almost was in the streets. But more importantly, it had been available to him round the clock, in both his diplomatic and his intelligence capacities. His decision to do nothing was therefore a direct decision to do something, or to let something be done.

To the rest of the world, two things were obvious about the coup. The first was that it had been instigated from Athens and carried out with the help of regular Greek forces, and was thus a direct intervention in the internal affairs of one country by another. The second was that it violated all the existing treaties governing the status of Cyprus. The obvious and unsavoury illegality was luridly emphasised by the junta itself, which chose a notorious chauvinist gunman named Nicos Sampson to be its proxy "president". Sampson must have been well known to the chairman of the Forty Committee as a long-standing recipient of financial support from the CIA; he also received money for his fanatical Nicosia newspaper Makhi (Combat) from a pro-junta CIA proxy in Athens, Savvas Constantopoulos, the publisher of the pro-junta organ Eleftheros Kosmos (Free World). No European government treated Sampson as anything but a pariah, for the brief nine days in which he held power and launched a campaign of murder against his democratic Greek opponents. But Kissinger told the US envoy in Nicosia to receive Sampson's "foreign minister" as foreign minister, thus making the United States the first and only government to extend de facto recognition. (At this point, it might be emphasised, the whereabouts of Makarios were unknown. His palace had been shelled and his death announced on the junta's radio. He had in fact made his escape, and was able to broadcast the fact a few days afterwards - to the irritation of certain well-placed persons.) In his 1986 memoir The Truth, published in Athens in 1986, the then head of the Greek armed forces, General Grigorios Bonanos, records that the junta's attack on Cyprus brought a message of approval and support, delivered to its intelligence service by no less a man than Thomas A Pappas - the chosen intermediary between the junta and the Nixon-Kissinger administration.

In Washington, Kissinger's press spokesman Robert Anderson flatly denied that the coup - later described by Makarios from the podium of the United Nations as "an invasion" - constituted foreign intervention. "No," he replied to a direct question on this point. "In our view there has been no outside intervention." This surreal position was not contradicted by Kissinger when he met with the ambassador of Cyprus and failed to offer the customary condolences on the reported death of his president - the "proximate cause", we now learn from him, of all the unpleasantness. When asked if he still recognised the elected Makarios government as the legal one, Kissinger doggedly and astonishingly refused to answer. When asked if the United States was moving towards recognition of the Sampson regime, his spokesman declined to deny it. When Makarios came to Washington on July 22, the state department was asked whether he would be received by Kissinger "as a private citizen, as Archbishop, or as President of Cyprus?" The answer? "He [Kissinger] is meeting with Archbishop Makarios on Monday." Every other government in the world, save the collapsing Greek dictatorship, recognised Makarios as the legitimate head of the Cyprus republic. Kissinger's unilateralism on the point is without diplomatic precedent, and argues strongly for his collusion and sympathy with the armed handful of thugs who felt the same way.

It is worth emphasising that Makarios was invited to Washington in the first place, as elected and legal president of Cyprus, by Senator J William Fulbright of the Senate foreign relations committee, and by his counterpart Congressman Thomas Morgan, chairman of the house foreign affairs committee. Credit for this invitation belongs to Elias Demetracopoulos, the Washington-based dissident journalist, who had long warned of the coup. He it was who conveyed the invitation to Makarios, who was then in London meeting the British foreign secretary. This initiative crowned a series of anti-junta activities by this journalist, who had already profoundly irritated Kissinger and become a special object of his spite. At the very last moment, and with very poor grace, Kissinger was compelled to announce that he was receiving Makarios in his presidential and not his episcopal capacity.

Since Kissinger himself tells us that he had always known or assumed that another outbreak of violence in Cyprus would trigger a Turkish military intervention, we can assume in our turn that he was not surprised when such an intervention came. Nor does he seem to have been very much disconcerted. While the Greek junta remained in power, his efforts were principally directed to shielding it from retaliation. He was opposed to the return of Makarios to the island, and strongly opposed to Turkish or British use of force (Britain being a guarantor power with a treaty obligation and troops in place on Cyprus) to undo the Greek coup. This same counsel of inertia or inaction - amply testified to in his own memoirs - translated later into strict and repeated admonitions against any measures to block a Turkish invasion. Sir Tom McNally, then the chief political adviser to Britain's then foreign secretary and future prime minister, James Callaghan, has since disclosed that Kissinger "vetoed" at least one British military action to pre-empt a Turkish landing.

This may seem paradoxical, but the long-standing sympathy for a partition of Cyprus, repeatedly expressed by the state and defence departments, makes it seem much less so. The demographic composition of the island (82% Greek to 18% Turkish) made it more logical for the partition to be imposed by Greece. But a second-best was to have it imposed by Turkey. And, once Turkey had conducted two brutal invasions and occupied almost 40% of Cypriot territory, Kissinger exerted himself very strongly to protect Ankara from any congressional reprisal for this outright violation of international law, and promiscuous and illegal misuse of US weaponry. He became so pro-Turkish, indeed, that it was as if he had never heard of the Greek colonels. (Though his expressed dislike of the returned Greek democratic leaders supplied an occasional reminder.)

Not all the elements of this partitionist policy can be charged to Kissinger personally; he inherited the Greek junta and the official dislike of Makarios. However, even in the dank obfuscatory prose of his own memoirs, he does admit what can otherwise be concluded from independent sources. Using covert channels, and short-circuiting the democratic process in his own country, he made himself an accomplice in a plan of political assassination which, when it went awry, led to the deaths of thousands of civilians, the violent uprooting of almost 200,000 refugees, and the creation of an unjust and unstable amputation of Cyprus which constitutes a serious threat to peace a full quarter-century later. On July 10 1976, the European Commission on Human Rights adopted a report, prepared by 18 distinguished jurists and chaired by Professor JES Fawcett, resulting from a year's research into the consequences of the Turkish invasion. It found that the Turkish army had engaged in the deliberate killing of civilians, in the execution of prisoners, in the torture and ill-treatment of detainees, in the arbitrary punishment and detention of civilians, and in systematic acts of rape, torture, and looting. A large number of "disappeared" persons, both prisoners of war and civilians, are still "missing" from this period. They include a dozen holders of US passports, which is evidence in itself of an indiscriminate strategy, when conducted by an army dependent on US aid and materiel.

Perhaps it was a reluctance to accept his responsibility for these outrages, as well as his responsibility for the original coup, that led Kissinger to tell a bizarre sequence of lies to his new friends the Chinese. On October 2 1974, he held a high-level meeting in New York with Qiao Guanhua, vice-foreign minister of the People's Republic. It was the first substantive Sino-American meeting since the visit of Deng Xiaoping, and the first order of business was Cyprus. The memorandum, which is headed "Top secret/sensitive/exclusively eyes only", has Kissinger first rejecting China's public claim that he had helped engineer the removal of Makarios. "We did not. We did not oppose Makarios." (This claim is directly belied by his own memoirs.) He says: "When the coup occurred I was in Moscow", which he was not. He says: "My people did not take these intelligence reports [concerning an impending coup] seriously," even though they had. He says that neither did Makarios take them seriously, even though Makarios had publicly denounced the Athens junta for its coup plans. Kissinger then makes the amazing claim: "We knew the Soviets had told the Turks to invade", which would make this the first Soviet-instigated invasion to be conducted by a Nato army and paid for with US aid.

A good liar must have a good memory: Kissinger is a stupendous liar with a remarkable memory. So perhaps some of this hysterical lying is explained by its context - by the need to enlist China's anti-Soviet instincts. But the total of falsity is so impressive that it suggests something additional, something more like denial or delusion, or even a confession by other means.

Extracted from The Trial of Henry Kissinger by Christopher Hitchens, to be published by Verso, price 15, in May.
Christopher Hitchens



-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:31

And to your just,brave underestimatted people:

"as learned from CIA sources, there is a PKK training camp at a Greek military base in the south of Salonikaphotographs of this camp is in the files of CIA" The Times, 09.04.1995 by James Adams.

"PKK is one of the most dangerous terrorist organisationsPKK has opened offices in Greece" 1994 Report on Terror, USA Foreign Office, 28.04.1985.



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:32

True.Accordin to this greece would not be able to betray:

The Ancient Greeks no longer exist. The place of Solon, Socrates and Demosthenes has been taken by blind ignorance. The logical laws of Athens have been replaced by barbarism..." (as quoted by a Prussian officer, during the 1821-1822 Greek rebellion) Bolmann L de, Remarques Sur L'etat Moral, Politique Et Militaire De La Grece, Marseilles, 1823.

Ignorant us turks eh?



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:34

One of my last:

"I am not saying that Greeks are a more cruel or violent people than any other. What I am saying is that their nationalism, because of its religious overtones, has promoted intolerance, aggressiveness and extreme ethnocentrism, and that it has, in areas occupied by Greece, inevitably led to what we today call "ethnic cleansing." "



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:36

Britain's Guardian newspaper wrote: "The President's (Makarios) sincerity in his dealings with the UN has been questionable for a long time... As lately as yesterday his men were preventing the UN from evacuating Turkish women and children from where their lives were in danger... His behavior has been scheming, deceptive and cruel as well... his real object is to drive the Turks off the island or into positions in which they will be at his mercy - a quality in which many Greek Cypriots are notoriously deficient." >>



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"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:38

One more centence to explain it more clearly:

... and thus it becomes easy to point fingers at the Terrible Turk. ...

wich is true



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:38
Originally posted by aknc

Spartacus time does not make things less crucial.And by the way of your attitude and resources i see that you are not the man to acces those kinds of things.If you are i am sorry for greece
My attitude?I do not agree with your claims in the most polite matter,but you sir  insult me.It is your behaviour which is to be critisized not mine. And you cannot feel sorry about Hellas,because it's greatness is way too big for you.

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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:40
Originally posted by aknc

You are right greece has no power in the EU:

"Greece belongs to Europe. But does it belong to the European Union? One has to doubt itIs a country which extremely profits from the EU, but still wants to set its own will an agreeable partner?There is only one single, unfriendly expression to describe it: political blacxkmailWhere will a common foreign policy lead to if it is dominated by Greek neurosia. That is the question the other EU members will have to answer" Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 14.02.1995.

Smattering is worst than ignorance....

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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:45
Originally posted by aknc

One of my last:

"I am not saying that Greeks are a more cruel or violent people than any other. What I am saying is that their nationalism, because of its religious overtones, has promoted intolerance, aggressiveness and extreme ethnocentrism, and that it has, in areas occupied by Greece, inevitably led to what we today call "ethnic cleansing." "

I am not saying that Hellen-Cypriots were angels,they killed Turks as Turks did the same.The point i do not agree is with ethnic cleansing.And in which areas "occupied by Hellas" we have etnic cleansing?In Thraca maybe,because if it is Thraca then allow me to....

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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:49
Originally posted by aknc

One more centence to explain it more clearly:

... and thus it becomes easy to point fingers at the Terrible Turk. ...

wich is true

Easy words for a very complicated matter..... 

-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:55
Originally posted by aknc

And to your just,brave underestimatted people:

"as learned from CIA sources, there is a PKK training camp at a Greek military base in the south of Salonikaphotographs of this camp is in the files of CIA" The Times, 09.04.1995 by James Adams.

"PKK is one of the most dangerous terrorist organisationsPKK has opened offices in Greece" 1994 Report on Terror, USA Foreign Office, 28.04.1985.

PKK may be concidered as terroristic group by Turkey and USA,but not necessarily for the others,especially if we concider the living conditions of Kurds in Turkey....

-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 09:59
Originally posted by aknc

True.Accordin to this greece would not be able to betray:

The Ancient Greeks no longer exist. The place of Solon, Socrates and Demosthenes has been taken by blind ignorance. The logical laws of Athens have been replaced by barbarism..." (as quoted by a Prussian officer, during the 1821-1822 Greek rebellion) Bolmann L de, Remarques Sur L'etat Moral, Politique Et Militaire De La Grece, Marseilles, 1823.

Ignorant us turks eh?

Now you go back to 1821?Man,believe me, do not make me go back in the past because you will regret doing it....

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"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 12:27

Originally posted by Spartakus

Originally posted by aknc

Spartacus time does not make things less crucial.And by the way of your attitude and resources i see that you are not the man to acces those kinds of things.If you are i am sorry for greece
My attitude?I do not agree with your claims in the most polite matter,but you sir  insult me.It is your behaviour which is to be critisized not mine. And you cannot feel sorry about Hellas,because it's greatness is way too big for you.

If you are tryng to justify PKK then you cannot accuse me of insulting you

 



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 12:29
Originally posted by Spartakus

Originally posted by aknc

You are right greece has no power in the EU:

"Greece belongs to Europe. But does it belong to the European Union? One has to doubt itIs a country which extremely profits from the EU, but still wants to set its own will an agreeable partner?There is only one single, unfriendly expression to describe it: political blacxkmailWhere will a common foreign policy lead to if it is dominated by Greek neurosia. That is the question the other EU members will have to answer" Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 14.02.1995.

Smattering is worst than ignorance....

So?



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 12:30
Originally posted by Spartakus

Originally posted by aknc

One more centence to explain it more clearly:

... and thus it becomes easy to point fingers at the Terrible Turk. ...

wich is true

Easy words for a very complicated matter..... 

So you agree that Turks are the only side that is blamed while the greeks also murdered?



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 12:32
Originally posted by Spartakus

Originally posted by aknc

True.Accordin to this greece would not be able to betray:

The Ancient Greeks no longer exist. The place of Solon, Socrates and Demosthenes has been taken by blind ignorance. The logical laws of Athens have been replaced by barbarism..." (as quoted by a Prussian officer, during the 1821-1822 Greek rebellion) Bolmann L de, Remarques Sur L'etat Moral, Politique Et Militaire De La Grece, Marseilles, 1823.

Ignorant us turks eh?

Now you go back to 1821?Man,believe me, do not make me go back in the past because you will regret doing it....

I know i won't



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: aknc
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 12:33
Originally posted by aknc

And to your just,brave underestimatted people:

"as learned from CIA sources, there is a PKK training camp at a Greek military base in the south of Salonikaphotographs of this camp is in the files of CIA" The Times, 09.04.1995 by James Adams.

"PKK is one of the most dangerous terrorist organisationsPKK has opened offices in Greece" 1994 Report on Terror, USA Foreign Office, 28.04.1985.

Even if they are not considered terrorists it is not respectable for greece to host babykillers



-------------
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              


Posted By: Spartakus
Date Posted: 11-Apr-2005 at 15:59
Originally posted by aknc

Originally posted by Spartakus

Originally posted by aknc

Spartacus time does not make things less crucial.And by the way of your attitude and resources i see that you are not the man to acces those kinds of things.If you are i am sorry for greece
My attitude?I do not agree with your claims in the most polite matter,but you sir  insult me.It is your behaviour which is to be critisized not mine. And you cannot feel sorry about Hellas,because it's greatness is way too big for you.

If you are tryng to justify PKK then you cannot accuse me of insulting you

 

Look at you,you use a statement posted only today to chudge a behaviour in the whole topic....

-------------
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)



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