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The battle of Pavia 1525

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Aster Thrax Eupator View Drop Down
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  Quote Aster Thrax Eupator Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Topic: The battle of Pavia 1525
    Posted: 17-Dec-2007 at 02:36
This battle has caught my attention recently in my reading - it seems like such an interesting conflict. It fixed pope Clement VII almost fully in Charles V's control, managed to reduce France to the humiliating treaty of Madrid and antagonised the French and English so much that these one archenemies allied against the Holy Roman Empire and/or Hapsburg succession empire in the treaty of More 1525. But what of the actual conflict? Does anyone actually know the tactical situation and movements on the field of battle at the time? I don't know anything much about this, but I would be assuming that there were an extremely large amount of armies on the field, because of the number of combatants - Spain, Holy Roman Empire, Duchy of Milan and France...incidently, were there any of the pro-French Italian cities fighting on the side of Francis and his three main commanders in the battle?
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  Quote HaloChanter Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 17-Dec-2007 at 15:26
Yes - Florence and Venice.
 
Pavia is one of those quirks of fait. A funny old battle. Triumph for Imperial arms, but an utterly wasted opportunity.
 
The tactical situation, as I remember (not near my books at the moment, so bear with my memory) was that the French under Francis himself were besieging Pavia, a very well fortified city with the usual technical italian bastions.
 
The Imperial army converged from the East and tried to envelop French forces. The French almost won until a spanish tercio (first real impressive use of small-arms in battle) shot away Francis' guard and captured the king.
 
Charles, bagging perhaps the most impressive loot in Early Modern Europe (a French king) threw any gain away by dithering, then bringing Francis to Spain, and then demanding the impossible (ie the restoration of the entire ancien Burgundian "fatherland").
There are many things to be impressed about by Charles, but I often find it very hard to agree with those who think of him as an effective and resourceful Emperor.
 
After his release Francis was quick to break the Madrid treaty, renegade on his promises, whip up anti-Habsburg furor, pay the gigantic indemnity and once again take the offensive in Italy.
 
Charles had, overall, gained very little.
 
I agree with you though mate - Pavia was a very impressive affair. Though the Treaty of Madrid was perhaps very unsuccessful, France was thrown in to dissaray for some years, giving Habsburg forces the edge.
Kind regards,

HaloChanter
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  Quote Guests Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 20-Apr-2008 at 15:26
Do know that one of the 9 de la pole brothers (Richard) died at this battle, one less contender for Henry VIII. 
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  Quote Aster Thrax Eupator Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 20-Apr-2008 at 17:28
Yup - those De la Poles seemed to have swarmed Europe. The 1538 treaty of Nice was conducted by one Cardinal Reginald Pole, who was one of the main pretenders to the throne. Naturally, it appears from Paul III's description of it that it is just to "crush the enemies of Christendom" - which naturally included England at this period - but frankly it seems to be a little like a bid for power by Pole as well. I just don't understand, however, why on earth one of the Pole brothers would have fought for Francis at this battle - frankly I can't see how either of these monarchs could have taken in a pretender to the throne - the 1492 treaty of Etaples forbidding this was still in effect in France, as was the later treaty of Vienna with Maximilian. I guess that the death of these monarchs - Maximilian and Charles VIII and Henry VII in 1509 probably meant many of the old treaties would have been void. I suppose the situation of pretenders in relation to England had changed dramatically when we consider that Charles V, at his 1519 accession to the Holy Roman throne and his 1516 inheritance of Spain created a superstate that ruined the balance of power.
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  Quote Ikki Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 20-Apr-2008 at 23:55

There were a great variety of troops and countries althought not was specially great in size. At the end, wasn't a battle very important, at least far less than is supposed. And is a battle so chaotic and confusing, the feelings of the Battle of Cerisoles are strongest i think.

 
In spanish, i show because have a good draw of the battlefield
 


Edited by Ikki - 21-Apr-2008 at 00:01
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  Quote Aster Thrax Eupator Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 21-Apr-2008 at 00:21
Not important? The king of France was captured and from that point on, Hapsburg dominance over the Italian Penninsula soared. Moreover, it was one of the first examples in Europe of what could be done with firearms and challenged the traditional views of chivarly for once and for all. This is one of the defining moments as far as Western European millitary advancements are concerned. Moreover, it culminated in the humiliating treaty of Madrid. The league of Cognac, founded in 1526, failed to do much and just left France exhausted, and despite the sack of Rome in 1527 by mutinying Imperial protestant forces and the 1538 reinvigoration of the Ottoman attack in the Balkans, the French failed to press that far in anymore. There were never again in the Haspburg-Valois conflict to be something like Charles VIII of France 1492-4 invasion of Italy. In 1542, Francis again declared war against Charles V and then two years later, in 1544, the peace of Crepy was signed which was largely on Haspburg terms. By 1551 Charles was at his most poweful, and even in 1552, the French Treaty of Chambourd - their last gamble to win the Haspburg-Valois wars until their effective end in the 1559 treaty of Cateau Cambresis - with German protestant forces and France failed to do much. I am not saying that all of the above is due to Pavia - that would be ridiculous. But one of the key places of rivalry in the Hapsburg Valois war was to my knowledge significantly secured for Charles V, at least in the North. My analysis may be way off, but Pavia is hardly an overrated battle.
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  Quote drgonzaga Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 21-Apr-2008 at 14:26
Aster is correct as to the consequences of Pavia and one can gather as much by juxtaposing this battle with another encounter in the military clash between Habsburg and Valois, Saint Quentin (San Quintn) in 1557. To dismiss Pavia as an anachronism is impossible in terms of Italy (it essentially settled the interminable warfare in Italy characteristic of the 15th century) and one can not dismiss the fact that military tactics were forever changed by the campaign of the tercios on the Italian peninsula, artillery and entrenchment became standard tactics. In contrast, Saint Quentin--although equally as horrendous a loss for the French (Montmorency, a survivor of Pavia met his end there)--as close to a modern clash of infantry as found in the 16th century did not settle the territorial rivalry in the "cockpit" of Europe. Yes, it did result in the lengthy French civil wars that closed their 16th century, nevertheless, the encounter may be seen as the opening of a longer conflict in which France slowly began the required changes upon which to consolidate a new challenge to Habsburg hegemony under the Bourbons.
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  Quote Ikki Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 21-Apr-2008 at 23:33
Not important? The king of France was captured and from that point on, Hapsburg dominance over the Italian Penninsula soared.
 
Not at all, the french king was captured but Charles V was so stupid (in that moment) that he leave him free and just in his country, Francis I repudiated the promised conditions. Habsburg could do great things with the french king in their hands, but nothing special happened. The dominance over the Italy peninsula was based first on the spanish campaigns at the beginning of the XVI century, the french attempt was only a chance for change that, unsucesfully. In this sense, the Battle of Bicoca equal in importance to Pava so only if you think about the 1521-1526 war as a hole you have something similar to the campaign of 1499-1504, a second pilar of the spanish-habsburg hegemony.
 
Moreover, it was one of the first examples in Europe of what could be done with firearms and challenged the traditional views of chivarly for once and for all. This is one of the defining moments as far as Western European millitary advancements are concerned.
 
This is a problem of historiography: the knowledge about the spanish campaigns 1499-1504 have been very poor and historians had tend to put excesive emphasis over Pava. Pava was only a brilliant and internationally famous confirmation about what happened twenty years before or few years if you count Bicoca. There is another problem, the cavalry and the use of heavy cavalry in the ancient way wasn't stopped there: french religions war and war in the Sacred Empire or the first stages of the Flanders War are examples (see for example Battle of Muhlberg, Dreux or Jemmingen). The cavalry roll changed gradually and Pava althought shine don't mean an special echelon in that change.
 
Moreover, it culminated in the humiliating treaty of Madrid.
 
Humiliating was the OWNED of Charles V when Francis I arrived to France.
 
The league of Cognac, founded in 1526, failed to do much and just left France exhausted, and despite the sack of Rome in 1527 by mutinying Imperial protestant forces and the 1538 reinvigoration of the Ottoman attack in the Balkans, the French failed to press that far in anymore.
 
Certainly France didn't invade North Italy with that force, but they launched three powerful offensives there.
 
There were never again in the Haspburg-Valois conflict to be something like Charles VIII of France 1492-4 invasion of Italy. In 1542, Francis again declared war against Charles V and then two years later, in 1544, the peace of Crepy was signed which was largely on Haspburg terms.
 
That's true but not forget that the campaigns of 1499-1504 are nearest to the Charles VIII invasion and like you say the situation of France can't be explained because Pava.
 
By 1551 Charles was at his most poweful, and even in 1552, the French Treaty of Chambourd - their last gamble to win the Haspburg-Valois wars until their effective end in the 1559 treaty of Cateau Cambresis - with German protestant forces and France failed to do much. I am not saying that all of the above is due to Pavia - that would be ridiculous. But one of the key places of rivalry in the Hapsburg Valois war was to my knowledge significantly secured for Charles V, at least in the North.
 
By those days, 1551-1552 and after, Charles V was so pressed that the image of his vast empire can't hide the great problems he had in those last years. I don't want to underrate the general sense of the entire war of 1521-1526, secured Lombardia wich was by that time the most important strategical place of Europe...
 
My analysis may be way off, but Pavia is hardly an overrated battle.
 
But because the arguments i have said i can't consider Pava as a specially crucial battle. It's possible in certain manner that i am very disappointed by the lost chance: in front of the Battle of Poitiers in the HYW, Pava palished. And i admit that i don't like this battle, in a military sense.
 
 
 
To drgonzaga
 
Aster is correct as to the consequences of Pavia and one can gather as much by juxtaposing this battle with another encounter in the military clash between Habsburg and Valois, Saint Quentin (San Quintn) in 1557. To dismiss Pavia as an anachronism is impossible in terms of Italy (it essentially settled the interminable warfare in Italy characteristic of the 15th century) and one can not dismiss the fact that military tactics were forever changed by the campaign of the tercios on the Italian peninsula, artillery and entrenchment became standard tactics.
 
The spanish army (Coronelas, Tercio hadn't born by that time) was fighting and proving those improvements since 1500. I have explained just the military importance of Pava. In a political sense, Pava and the war secured the habsburg hegemony over Northern Italy but not settled, the french launched three attacks more, one very dangerous (the imperial-spanish army was annihilated).
 
  
In contrast, Saint Quentin--although equally as horrendous a loss for the French (Montmorency, a survivor of Pavia met his end there)--as close to a modern clash of infantry as found in the 16th century did not settle the territorial rivalry in the "cockpit" of Europe.
Yes, it did result in the lengthy French civil wars that closed their 16th century, nevertheless, the encounter may be seen as the opening of a longer conflict in which France slowly began the required changes upon which to consolidate a new challenge to Habsburg hegemony under the Bourbons.
 
Curiously the political relevance of Saint Quintin (and Gravelines) was more clear in that moment: with the religious war in France the consecuences of the peace lasted more time.   
 
 
regards


Edited by Ikki - 21-Apr-2008 at 23:37
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  Quote Aster Thrax Eupator Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 22-Apr-2008 at 01:03
Not important? The king of France was captured and from that point on, Hapsburg dominance over the Italian Penninsula soared.
 
Not at all, the french king was captured but Charles V was so stupid (in that moment) that he leave him free and just in his country, Francis I repudiated the promised conditions. Habsburg could do great things with the french king in their hands, but nothing special happened. The dominance over the Italy peninsula was based first on the spanish campaigns at the beginning of the XVI century, the french attempt was only a chance for change that, unsucesfully. In this sense, the Battle of Bicoca equal in importance to Pava so only if you think about the 1521-1526 war as a hole you have something similar to the campaign of 1499-1504, a second pilar of the spanish-habsburg hegemony.
 
Ikki - In some respects I am inclined to agree, but many areas of the Holy Roman Empire in Italy and even in it's heartlands were not really under it's control in any meaningful sense - neither was northern Italy. The destruction of Papal power from 1378 - 1417 in the Great Schism meant that Italy was open for invasion from the two main powers of the day - France and the Holy Roman empire. The former, with it's absolutist Valois rule and increasingly large amounts of resources meant that it did, as you said, press quite far into Italy. However, the consolidation of Northern Italy (or at least attempts to do so) meant that many French enterprises in that area were "hare brained" at best, such as Charles VIII's ill-fated 1494 invasion of Italy.

In this sense, I see your point because French defeats in Italy were nothing new, but the significance of Pavia insomuch as the consolidation of Northern Italy into a proper, working part of the Holy Roman empire is large. Regard the Cantons of the Swiss confederation, that were supposed to be under Hapsburg rule, but in actuality were largely independent - the same goes for many of the Northern European areas in the Holy Roman empire and Northern Italy to. Where the "warrior popes" such as Julius II had failed to secure parts of Northern Italy lost in the great Schism, Charles V suceeded, and when the north fell to the likes of the 1529 leauge of Torgau and 1531 Schamalkaldic league, large swathes Northern Italy remained under clear Hapsburg domination until 1796. I am not inclined to over-romanticise battles and ignore the larger conditions that preceeded them, but I do believe that Pavia is for this reason a short-term reason for the Hapsburg domination of Italy - an extremely prominent one.
 
Moreover, it was one of the first examples in Europe of what could be done with firearms and challenged the traditional views of chivarly for once and for all. This is one of the defining moments as far as Western European millitary advancements are concerned.
 
This is a problem of historiography: the knowledge about the spanish campaigns 1499-1504 have been very poor and historians had tend to put excesive emphasis over Pava. Pava was only a brilliant and internationally famous confirmation about what happened twenty years before or few years if you count Bicoca. There is another problem, the cavalry and the use of heavy cavalry in the ancient way wasn't stopped there: french religions war and war in the Sacred Empire or the first stages of the Flanders War are examples (see for example Battle of Muhlberg, Dreux or Jemmingen). The cavalry roll changed gradually and Pava althought shine don't mean an special echelon in that change.
 
Other examples such as the 1516 battle of Chandiran with the Ottoman empire under Selim "the Grim" and the Safavids under Shah Is'mail were also instrumental in developing the military capacity of the firearm on the field of battle, but in Western Europe - which is what we are concerned with here - this is the most prominent example. The examples that you give are not decisive in the large role of things, as for example, in the 1547 battle of Muhlberg (which anyway is two decades after the battle we are speaking about - and so is not relevant as a conflicting battle for "most decisive and early use of firearms") failed to stop the spread of Lutheranism fully, and Charles V failed to make good his victory by enforcing the 2nd Diet of Augsburg which only angered the Schmalkaldic league and made them seek aid from Valois France in the 1555 treaty of Chambourd. Moreover, the role of cavalry is not what we are speaking about - Charles used a similar tactic at Muhlberg as he did at Pavia, except at Pavia the French used the same medieval tactics with armoured knights that they had been using for centuries (they obviously had not learnt their lesson from the hundred years' war!). Again, the battle of Dreux is 1562 and is therefore not reflective of the significance of the development of the musket and tactical advantages of artillery of which we are speaking. Again, Jemmingen is 1568 and my explanation towards this is the same as my one above concerning the battle of Dreux. Both of these battles do display a completely different approach towards warfare, granted, but how on earth these are supposed to be rivals to Pavia, which was around 20-30 years earlier, I do not see. Earlier wars that incorporated firearms such the c1422 - 1434 Hussite wars and the Hundred years' war (in particular Crecy in 1346) did not deploy firearms in any meaningful capacity and when they were used, they had little effect on the grand scale of the campaign.
 
Your point about the Spanish campaigns is taken, but essentially the fate of Italy was still very much intertwined with that of the Holy Roman empire and France. Let us not forget that the Holy Roman empire was initially formed under Otto the great in 963, but that it's origins date back to the Carolingian Frankish kingdom under Charlemane the great in the 840's, and the pope crowned him "Emperor of the Holy Romans" because of his role in defending Rome against barbarian invasions. Moreover, throughout the medieval period and increasingly into the early modenr period, the Holy Roman empire was the main basis for economic support of the pope. Therefore, it is only natural when we consider the general march of history that the Hapsburg/Holy Roman empire - since 1516 and 1519 the largest empire in Europe - would have had the general position to secure Northern Italy at this point rather than in the ill-documented Spanish campaigns. But as you say, more research is needed in this field.
 
Moreover, it culminated in the humiliating treaty of Madrid.
 
Humiliating was the OWNED of Charles V when Francis I arrived to France.
 
Yes, but my point in this case is that the Spanish Torcio managed to blast away his bodyguard - the longer term political implications were not due to the outcome of the battle - it was arguably Charles' negligence and other preoccupations that caused this massive diplomatic slip.
 
My analysis may be way off, but Pavia is hardly an overrated battle.
 
But because the arguments i have said i can't consider Pava as a specially crucial battle. It's possible in certain manner that i am very disappointed by the lost chance: in front of the Battle of Poitiers in the HYW, Pava palished. And i admit that i don't like this battle, in a military sense.
 
I would agree that Pointiers is also a largely important battle in it's own context and it's own campaign - it to humilated and broke France for a time, and captured the king in 1356; John II. However, because it was a repeat in tactical significance of Crecy in 1346, and like the latter and Pavia did overshadow the traditional role of cavalry with men at arms, missile troops and tactical arrangement, the development of artillery to a large degree is undoubtedly more prominent in the larger scale of military history. Yes, these battles provided the basis for the tactics that would be used in some respects in battles such as Pavia, Frankhausen, Muhlberg etc, but also, they are some 200 years before are clearly in a medieval world, whereas the political stage in this battle is clearly early modern, making comparison difficult. Francis Bacon in 1622 stated that the three most important inventions of his time were gunpowder, the compass and printing and frankly I'm inclined to agree with him in this case in relation to the first.
 
 
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  Quote Ikki Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 23-Apr-2008 at 00:19
To Aster Thrax
 
Ikki - In some respects I am inclined to agree, but many areas of the Holy Roman Empire in Italy and even in it's heartlands were not really under it's control in any meaningful sense - neither was northern Italy. The destruction of Papal power from 1378 - 1417 in the Great Schism meant that Italy was open for invasion from the two main powers of the day - France and the Holy Roman empire. The former, with it's absolutist Valois rule and increasingly large amounts of resources meant that it did, as you said, press quite far into Italy. However, the consolidation of Northern Italy (or at least attempts to do so) meant that many French enterprises in that area were "hare brained" at best, such as Charles VIII's ill-fated 1494 invasion of Italy.

In this sense, I see your point because French defeats in Italy were nothing new, but the significance of Pavia insomuch as the consolidation of Northern Italy into a proper, working part of the Holy Roman empire is large. Regard the Cantons of the Swiss confederation, that were supposed to be under Hapsburg rule, but in actuality were largely independent - the same goes for many of the Northern European areas in the Holy Roman empire and Northern Italy to. Where the "warrior popes" such as Julius II had failed to secure parts of Northern Italy lost in the great Schism, Charles V suceeded, and when the north fell to the likes of the 1529 leauge of Torgau and 1531 Schamalkaldic league, large swathes Northern Italy remained under clear Hapsburg domination until 1796. I am not inclined to over-romanticise battles and ignore the larger conditions that preceeded them, but I do believe that Pavia is for this reason a short-term reason for the Hapsburg domination of Italy - an extremely prominent one.
 
I should agree with you, when i said that wasn't so important i was thinking in a military sense and had in mind the previous campaigns in Italy. Bu i can't go opposite to the clear direction, Lombarda was considered the most crucial place of Europe and like you have said after Pava Northern Itay was sure and helped to the power projection of Habsburg. I must admit, again, that like all spanish we feel something frustrating in this battle: was possible to take the king like the english in Poitiers and gain money, or gain territories, or something similar. But no, Charles V gained what gained in the same moment that he win the battle no more, wich is not few.
 
Other examples such as the 1516 battle of Chandiran with the Ottoman empire under Selim "the Grim" and the Safavids under Shah Is'mail were also instrumental in developing the military capacity of the firearm on the field of battle, but in Western Europe - which is what we are concerned with here - this is the most prominent example. The examples that you give are not decisive in the large role of things, as for example, in the 1547 battle of Muhlberg (which anyway is two decades after the battle we are speaking about - and so is not relevant as a conflicting battle for "most decisive and early use of firearms") failed to stop the spread of Lutheranism fully, and Charles V failed to make good his victory by enforcing the 2nd Diet of Augsburg which only angered the Schmalkaldic league and made them seek aid from Valois France in the 1555 treaty of Chambourd.
 
No my friend, i was talking about the battles of Cerignola and Garellano twenty years before. This week i will post the account's translation from spanish of these battles and others and you will see what interesting are. I put Muhlberg and Jemmingen like examples of how the cavalry could win the battles, and Jeux as example of how europeans (or at least french) didn't change their mind. But i don't want to be again disrespectful with Pava, Pava was the famous and is the example, today and in those days for those who paid attention.
 
 Moreover, the role of cavalry is not what we are speaking about - Charles used a similar tactic at Muhlberg as he did at Pavia, except at Pavia the French used the same medieval tactics with armoured knights that they had been using for centuries (they obviously had not learnt their lesson from the hundred years' war!). Again, the battle of Dreux is 1562 and is therefore not reflective of the significance of the development of the musket and tactical advantages of artillery of which we are speaking. Again, Jemmingen is 1568 and my explanation towards this is the same as my one above concerning the battle of Dreux. Both of these battles do display a completely different approach towards warfare, granted, but how on earth these are supposed to be rivals to Pavia, which was around 20-30 years earlier, I do not see. Earlier wars that incorporated firearms such the c1422 - 1434 Hussite wars and the Hundred years' war (in particular Crecy in 1346) did not deploy firearms in any meaningful capacity and when they were used, they had little effect on the grand scale of the campaign.
 
See above.
 
Your point about the Spanish campaigns is taken, but essentially the fate of Italy was still very much intertwined with that of the Holy Roman empire and France. Let us not forget that the Holy Roman empire was initially formed under Otto the great in 963, but that it's origins date back to the Carolingian Frankish kingdom under Charlemane the great in the 840's, and the pope crowned him "Emperor of the Holy Romans" because of his role in defending Rome against barbarian invasions.
 
I tend to consider heretic the proposition of an unbroken line since Charlemagne to Napoleon LOL 
 
Moreover, throughout the medieval period and increasingly into the early modenr period, the Holy Roman empire was the main basis for economic support of the pope. Therefore, it is only natural when we consider the general march of history that the Hapsburg/Holy Roman empire - since 1516 and 1519 the largest empire in Europe - would have had the general position to secure Northern Italy at this point rather than in the ill-documented Spanish campaigns. But as you say, more research is needed in this field
 
Don't worry, Northern Italy was the point, when i said that this situation was gained partially before, in 1499-1504 i was talking about  since an historian position: spanish gained a strong base in european board conquering Naples and with them of course, the Habsburg in the future, plus they gained the experience in warfare, you will see that the tactics and weapons in Pava wasn't new because spanish had two decades of improvement before. Naples and the improvement in tactics, when we look careful, are only the lowest part of greater succes and improvements with the conquer of Northern Italy and the development of Tercio under that experience. Sure, you are right and i was wrong.
 
Yes, but my point in this case is that the Spanish Torcio managed to blast away his bodyguard - the longer term political implications were not due to the outcome of the battle - it was arguably Charles' negligence and other preoccupations that caused this massive diplomatic slip.
 
 
Recognize that was a mega OWNED LOLLOL Don't commit the same mistake than our friend drgonzaga, Tercio born in 1534.
 
I would agree that Pointiers is also a largely important battle in it's own context and it's own campaign - it to humilated and broke France for a time, and captured the king in 1356; John II. However, because it was a repeat in tactical significance of Crecy in 1346, and like the latter and Pavia did overshadow the traditional role of cavalry with men at arms, missile troops and tactical arrangement, the development of artillery to a large degree is undoubtedly more prominent in the larger scale of military history. Yes, these battles provided the basis for the tactics that would be used in some respects in battles such as Pavia, Frankhausen, Muhlberg etc, but also, they are some 200 years before are clearly in a medieval world, whereas the political stage in this battle is clearly early modern, making comparison difficult. Francis Bacon in 1622 stated that the three most important inventions of his time were gunpowder, the compass and printing and frankly I'm inclined to agree with him in this case in relation to the first.
 
 
I made the comparation with Poitiers because the exploitation of the battle, diplomatically, not in military sense (althought are matter of a good analysis "Poitiers and Pava: commons and shadows"
 
regards Aster
 
 
 
 
 
To drgonzaga
 
Ikki, su Limpieza de Sangre quizas le ciega?
 
LOLLOL How is clear that you are american, ask to our friend Aster about the canarian people who he sure know, we are spanish but sure half africans in a new richer but in fact underdeveloped region, our blood is very much mixed for that words!!
 
With that little double-entendre, Ikki, I would hardly call the career of Gonzalo de Cordoba obscure, and Pvia is the culmination of the policy set into motion by Fernando de Aragn sustaining the interests of the Trastmaras in the Italian peninsula.
 
I can ensure you that the mainstream military historiography had walk without care over the campaigns of Gonzalo Fernndez de Crdoba, jumping from the Bourgougne-France war to Pava and to Lutzen.
 
 Consequently, it is difficult to accept your construct of the Trcios as a refinement subsequent to Pvia. Yes, the refinement of the arquebus into the musket consolidated the firm identity of "The Thirds", yet the difference between the tactics of Gonzalo de Ayora and those of Gonzalo de Cordoba--yes, we gonzos do like to shout Santiago y Matmoros!--is that the former represented the apex of the coronelias and the latter that of the tercio, with the last striking the perfect balance of the needed capacity for both offensive and defensive tactics in a single force.
 
Oh my friend you have a great confusion there. Tercio born exactly in 1534, El Gran Capitn fought with Coronelas and the reform to Tercio, after Pava was because the experience in the last war and the requests for occupy Italy: demand of smallest units and better weaponry. 
 
That the arquebus, despite its shortcomings frustrated the melee that was the single combat definitely put paid to Medieval tactics by nullifying numbers as advantage and minimizing cavalry into auxiliaries rather than the central dynamic.
 
Well agree (if you talk about the entire warfare of the time) althought becareful with underestimate the cavalry roll, see the conversation with Aster above.
 
 
 
Now as to your oblique references to military pretensions in the years 1526-1546 (the farce known as the League of Cognac in 1526-1529, the Milan Succession of 1536-1538, and the debacle that was the Franco-Ottoman "alliance" of 1541-1546), the Battle of Ceresole in 1544 is an anomaly and a classic example of a vicious pitched battle that settled nothing for the imperial commander Davalos essentially restored matters at the subsequent battle of Serravalle.
 
The danger after Ceresoles was great, but was overcome because the invasion of France so the main army should retreat and then was the battle of Serravalle.
 
 Essentially, after Pavia the bulk of fighting between Habsburg and Valois would take place on French soil as whatever pretensions over Italy persisted such depended entirely upon the baiting of frustrated Italians.
 
Yeah we can agree about this point and i think that the strategical importance of the battle have been clarified, at least for me.
 
bye


Edited by Ikki - 23-Apr-2008 at 00:28
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  Quote Byzantine Emperor Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 23-Apr-2008 at 04:29
Although I respect members' abilities to speak different languages, we must keep discussions in English, which is the official language of discourse at All Empires.  Thank you.
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  Quote Guests Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 23-Apr-2008 at 12:10
Add to that, I expect translations of the relevant material asap. Otherwise it shall unfortunatly have to be deleted.
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  Quote Guests Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 23-Apr-2008 at 17:26
1) This is an English speaking board as a result the discourse is in English. And no other language.
 
2) We have had a long standing policy that translations accompany any text in a foreign language. Whether you think that the translation would not do justice, well a good educated man can give the approximate meaning easily with little effort. You make a big show of being bi-lingual. Well I speak 4 languages and translate all the time. If a humble non-acedemic Pakistani bumpkin like me can translate, then I am sure it should be no challenge to some one of your standing to do so. And it should not really cause any hassel or should be off any offense to your acedemic sensabilities, since you can still post in the original, not to mention think in it. The transaltion is for the benefits of those who so unreasonably don't speak Spanish.
 
3) Please add the transalations (and this is for Ikki as well), otherswise I shall be compelled to delete them.
 
4) Finally, I am sure you sir put a great effort in your above treastise and in your estimations of the competance and abilities (or lack thereof) of us moderators. My advise, don't overburden yourself since I (and my fellow mods) are supremely disinterested in your opinions (or anyone elses) on that subject.
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  Quote Ikki Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 23-Apr-2008 at 19:45
Originally posted by drgonzaga

Ay, Ikki, tendr que recitar "yo conde de Calatrava, si el duque de Borbn" so as to establish my bonafides. Just because in the year 1534 Carlos I established in official form by Real Decreto what became known as the Tercio does not mean that what was refined and essentially consolidated between 1494-1516 were not one and the same. Tres coronelias componen un Tercio y lo dicho fue empleado no solo en Italia pero tambin en las campaas del Cardenal Cisneros en el norte de Africa (three Coronelas make a Tercio and was employed not only in Italy but by Cardinal Cisneros in North frica.
 
Althought is true that Tercio is the last point of a military evolution: Capitana, Escuadrn, Colunella, Coronela, Tercio; there are several differences between the last Tercio and the other units born in the Italian Campaigns. Certainly i made a mistake and i'm sure that at all the evolution of spanish units isn't well clear in this first stage, usually is said that the Gran Capitn fought with Coronelas but these was introducted after 1504 with the name of Colunela and in the form of Coronela in 1508 as a unit of around 1000 men, the Gran Capitn fought previously with the Escuadrn of 6000 men wich was based on the Capitana-Compaa (Companies) this last had mixed pikemen, rodeleros, harqubusiers, crossbowmen (could be few homogeneous units); other sources say that before the Tercio there were two greats Coronelas in Italy with a total of 10000, so was the equivalent to the Gran Capitn's Escuadrn. Here we have two theories: the first say that the Tercio gruped those Coronelas of small type, the second i have explained that Tercio was the split in three of the two great italians coronelas (wich?) and the reduction of the Coronela to a medium echelon between Capitana and Tercio. Generally the consensus say that Tercio born in 1534 but few sources say that was in 1536.
 
In all case, there was a change in the army composition: with the experience of the last italian wars the Companies of the new born Tercio were no more a mix of rodeleros, pikemen, crossbowmen and fire weapons, but homogeneous units wich had two types of company those of only Pikemen and those of only gunmen. Edit: Because this question about the weaponry, with the Tercio borning in a time when were only two main weapons, i tend to prefer an explanation of the word "Tercio" based on the distribution of units in Italy (althought i can't choose wich of the options i said before is the correct). There are accounts from the Reconquista time of the use of the word "tercio" for companies based on spear, crossbow and rodelero, but, for more than thirty years the word dissapeared, and appear again in the thirties of the XVI century in the italian envyroment.
 
Accuracy in these questions is crucial Wink , if you call to roman units of... 150BC " Roman Legionnary Cohorts" be sure you had made a great mistake, the same here friend.
 
 
 But then, everyone knows that the real enterprising Canarios took flight to the Americas from the pampas of Argentina in the South to the swamps of Louisiana in the North! So please, I know my isleos and I bet there are more Guanches in La Habana than in Las Palmas
 
That is the greatest contribution of our people to the history. And sure, most of isleo descendants live in the New World.
 
 although I must admit the savagery of all those migrants from the North Atlantic has made you tetchy. Big%20smile 
 
Thanks to God for those northern barbarians who take us from the darkness, be sure too about that fact Smile
 
Cuidado! Que se te va la guagua
Wich mean guys, be careful you loose bus.
 
ajjaaj good point there
 
 
 
 


Edited by Ikki - 23-Apr-2008 at 22:28
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  Quote Guests Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 24-Apr-2008 at 20:27

Offending posts have been deleted after a failure to follow moderator instructions.

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  Quote Kapikulu Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 17-May-2008 at 17:28
One important aspect of this battle was its triggering of the strategically logical Ottoman-French Alliance against Charles V's Holy Roman Empire.
 
Documents say that mother of François I approached Suleiman the Magnificent to seek help for the release of his son. It is told that Suleiman moved on in order to follow the call for help.
 
After the release of François I, a long-standing Ottoman-French alliance was established, till Napoleon's invasion of Egypt.Franco-Ottoman navies made joint operations in the Mediterranean, while waging war on the land against the Holy Roman Empire at the same era.
We gave up your happiness
Your hope would be enough;
we couldn't find neither;
we made up sorrows for ourselves;
we couldn't be consoled;

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