QuoteReplyTopic: ...Pretty much my whole new article... Posted: 12-Jul-2007 at 12:06
Hey everyone...
I've decided to leave the Abbasid article that I was doing because I had extremely limited knowledge of the area and (as many of you have told me) hardly any sources of the time. Classics is more my forte, and that I what I will stick to. I decided to do the Abbasid article because it was an area of history that was new for me and one which I didn't really know that much about. This one uses loads of sources, and has some of my own research included within it. I think it'll be more enjoyable and fundamentally a better work of historical study. I would appreciate it if you would read it and tell me what you think and give me any hints.
It only lacks some final tweaks, and introduction, the last section and an epilogue. ...Anyway, here it is!
Flamininus began his life in Rome, but as yet historians are unsure who his parents were. . From examining earlier consuls heritage, it would seem that Tituss family the Quinctii was indeed a prosperous and highly political one that had Senatorial roots deep in the republics past. Throughout the period 437-431 BC, Titus Quinctius Pennus and Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus both stood as consuls, and marriage had brought Tituss family into the Posthumius Gens- another well respected family through the Consul Aulus Posthumius Tibertus. There were many other illustrious members of the Quinctii gens, but they would be far to numerous to list here. All three we respected soldiers and public servants in their day, so thus Titus came from a highly respectable and wealthy background.What is known is that he began to learn the rudiments of military command and obedience sometime during the second Punic war, where he served as a military tribune under Consul Marcellus. It is known the beginning of his career; he was the patrician (family head) of the gens Quinctii. The origins of this family are not fully known, but some scholars have put forward a hypothesis based on the etymology of the word Flamininus that it has a reference to the Flamen Dialis a high ranking member of the priesthoodMarcelluss emphasis on defense during his command of the Roman army against Hannibal must have had a dramatic effect upon Titus understanding of military strategy, as throughout his military commands, we can see a very cautious commander whose tactics were exercised with the utmost precision. For example, much to the distress of the Aetolians, Titus put more emphasis on creating a peace treaty with Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, after the short lived war with that city. He was reluctant to storm Sparta and seek vengeance for Nabiss tyranny of the Greek people, which is what many commanders of the time would have done, and what the Allied high command would have wanted. Marcelluss principle of starving out Hannibal during the second Punic war was remarkably similar to Tituss tactic of leaving Nabis to gradually disintegrate rather than fully attack his holdings. Titus must have achieved numerous honours during that war, as he soon after gained enough public and senatorial support to be appointed Governor of Tarentum and in 204 BC was elected Pro-Praetor with Gaius Hostilius Tutulus. His administration of justice was renowned, and this can also be seen in the Macedonian war through his highly skillful diplomatic skills with the Greek allied command and the Greek people. He was given the right to found two colonies, Narnia (later under the administration of the famous Pliny the Younger) and Cossa. This gradually accumulation of power saw him rise rapidly through the ranks of Tribune (repetitive of the people) then Curule Aedile (one of the many types of governmental public servant) and finally Quaestor (treasurer) His aspirations then moved to the highest post in the republic the Consul. Oddly enough, he did not, like many previous and later Consuls, follow the Cursus Honorum; a custom which expected an aspiring politician to have served in most previous governmental ranks before setting himself up as a consular candidate for the elections. This apparent inobservance of traditional Roman republican custom angered the two tribunes of the people, Fulvius and Manius, who were heavily opposed to his candidateship.
Despite this, in the year 198 BC, Titus Quinctius Flamininus was elected along with Sextus Aelius Paetus as Consul of the Roman republic. He would prove to be a decisive figure in the second Macedonian war (200-196 BC) against Philip V and the latter developments (such as his victory over the Spartan tyrant Nabis in 195 BC), which would gradually lead to the outbreak of the Syrian war (191-188 BC) against Antiochus III of Selucus. He concerned himself mainly with the Macedonian war, naturally being of grave importance to the security of Rome and Latium. Events such as the Pyrrhic wars (which, in 283 BC showed to Rome that their eastern seaboard was in fact open to invasion from Greece) and the first Macedonian war showed the danger, which Rome was in from the Hellenistic kingdoms and city-states. The crumbling nation of Macedon had been looking at these wars between the two new superpowers with some interest, and realized that by joining the victor; they could gain considerable advantages, both economically and territorially. From a geographical perspective, Rome was the most plausible target for the Macedonians, as they were only separated from it by the Ionian and Adriatic seas to the west, and had Seleucid support in the Middle East. Many of the most illustrious Roman historians have illustrated this pro-Punic pondering on Philips part, such as Livy
This war, a struggle between the two wealthiest peoples of the world, had attracted the attention of kings and all nations elsewhere. Philip, king of Macedon, was particularly concerned in its progress because of his proximity to Italy and the fact that he was separated from it only by the Ionian sea. His first reaction to the news that Hannibal had crossed the alps was a simple one: he was glad that war had broken out between Rome and Carthage, but still doubtful, while the resources of the two nations were as yet unknown, he hoped that he would be victorious
This was firmly cemented in a diplomatic alliance that placed Macedonia as an official enemy in the eyes of the Roman republic-the treaty of military alliance with Hannibal Barca of Carthage in 215 BC. In that year, Livy reports offhandedly in his books concerning the second Punic war (218-201 BC) how Philip finally made up his mind-
When there had been three battles and three Carthaginian victories, he sided with success and sent a deputation to Hannibal
The three Carthaginian victories that Livy is alluding to here are probably the battles of Cannae, Trebia and Lake Trasimene, all of which were decisive Carthaginian victories in the earlier stages of the war which, until around 216 BC, would given the impression that the Carthaginians were winning to the onlooker. It would seem that Philip made his decision to join the side of the Carthaginians far too early only the 3rd year in a 17-year war. When Philip signed the treaty with Hannibal, the brilliant commanders and statesmen of the second and perhaps most famous of the punic wars such as Cato the Censor, Quintus Fabius Maximus the delayer and Marcellus had not shown their true abilities yet. These were all die-hard radicals and dictators who came in a moment of crisis to assist the republic, and perhaps Philips ultimate defeat in the Macedonian wars can be attributed to his inappropriately quick judgment.
This diplomatic siding with the enemy of Rome, which lead to the first Macedonian war that lasted from 215 BC to 205 BC. Rome feared that their intervention in 215 BC had not been decisive enough, and Philips power was once again growing too strong. An arms race with Rome and the Macedonians had been steadily progressing throughout this period, and in the year 207 BC, Philip V built 100 new warships. This shift of allegiance towards Carthage manifested itself in the support that Philip V had to the Carthaginian general Hannibal Barca throughout the war. Philip had taken an active step in the opposite direction from the Romans by firstly signing a treaty of allegiance with the Carthaginians, secondly by initiating an arms race and thirdly by skirmishing and later actually attacking Roman forces. Naturally, this was all the Roman senate needed as a pretext for war with Macedon. Military movements had already commenced, with Pro-Praetor Marcus Valerius Laevinius taking 38 warships to Macedonia, and legate Marcus Aurelius building up Roman military muscle in the region. Both feared that Philip would take the same step as Pyrrhus did and attempt to cross into Italy over the Adriatic and had thus sent a message to the senate emphasizing their concerns and asking for war. Finally, in 201 (in the same year that the final peace treaties were drawn up for the Carthaginian surrender) the Senate declared war on Macedon for the second time in just 15 years (the third would come when Perseus, Philips successor and incidentally, the last Dynastic Macedonian king would attempt to re-gain what his predecessor had lost from the Romans) One of the largest dilemmas about this string of wars that were quickly emerging in the east was their purpose. For all intensive purposes, the senate did not need to aid the Greeks. Their decision for war is even more confusing when we consider their fundamentally isolationalist attitude toward foreign policy; they viewed over seas communications and annexations as both a nuisance and an expense. Indeed, many of Romes wars at this time were fought primarily for defensive reasons against hostile enemies, but the benefits that Rome gained from this war are simply far too great to assume that it was only looked upon as defensive. Elizabeth Rawlinson summarizes this on going debate in her section of the Oxford Classical history the expansion of Rome:
It was further argued that the historians always showed Rome to have declared war for defensive reasons, or to assist allies to whom she had obligations and a reputation for fides (good faith) to keep up. For the idea of Bella Iustrum or Just war, undertaken in, say defence or to aid her allies obsessed her. Rome perhaps wrongly believed that she was under threat there has been an argument over whether there was, or Rome though there was, a secret pact between Antiochus and Philip in 200 BC
As is later demonstrated in this history, the enormous gains that this war had for Rome must have played some part in the senates decision. Bella Iustrum cannot have been constantly followed, despite Livys apparent insistence, during these wars, which so much expense and manpower would have been needed from Rome to continue. From a financial perspective, Rome could not have afforded to keep these wars going without taking something off the side to ensure that their coffers were re-stocked with gold. Although, for example, Carthage had been a dangerous enemy in the Punic wars, which was a genuine threat to Roman existence, the dominance that they had over Roman markets and economic influence was enough to fight over in itself. Rome became considerably richer after the Punic wars, and became an economic giant through all the new trade routes they could dominate. It is hard to see why the second Macedonian war could have been any different when we consider the gains that the Romans got from it. Much of the cold war between Macedonia and the Roman republic can be seen occurring in one province Illyria. In 229 BC, Illyria was occupied by Roman forces under the pretext that it was to protect the Adriatic from pirates. However, as far as we no, no Roman fleet was stationed to prevent such activities, and none of the forts in the area were mobilized against such pirates, and when considering Illyrias strategic position in relation to northern Macedonia, it is perhaps a little too coincidental. Other such activities that lead up to war were the Macedonian opportunistic attacks on Apollonia in 214 BC when the Roman army was occupied against the Carthaginian forces and the Macedonian occupation of Dassaretis. This provoked an earlier war against Macedon which was to rage until 205 when the treaty of Phoenice ended the hostilities. It was, on this occasion, Macedonian imperialism, but each side did blatantly provocative actions, which did not help the deteriorating diplomatic situation. Rome also helped speed up the rot but aided Macedonian fugitives such as Scerdilaidas and Demotrius. Rather than Bella Iustrum, the war was fought for a variety of imperialistic concerns rather than purely ideological and diplomatic ones. N.G.L Hammond gave a very good account as to the preliminary nature of the conflict-
When we consider the springs of Macedonian and Roman policy in Illyris, we must remember that the Roman state and the Macedonian state alike were imperialist in the proper sense of the term
The concept of Bella Iustrum may appear to be the acts of a philanthropist ideally, but in reality, Bella Iustrum in its pure form could not have occurred, or Rome would simply not have had the money to continue growing. In short, the gradual rise to dominance of the Roman state in direct equilibrium with these republican Bella Iustrum wars is enough to show that there was more behind it than simple aid of allies. Livys belief that Rome was genuinely being a benefactor of freedom by offering to help the Greeks is naive and (when considering the Punic wars) immature. His views on the matter are idealistic rather than realistic.
When Titus Quinctius began his Consulship, the war had been raging for some 5 years, with limited results there had been some minor successes for Philip against the Aetolians, Athamenes and the Dardani. But there had been a few victories for the allies with the legate Marcus Aurelius and king Attalus of Pergamum capturing a variety of walled towns, including the port of Oreus, which was a particularly notable victory. A.R Burn in his history of Greece describes the contrast between the old and this brilliant new commander-
Very unwillingly, the war-weary people were induced to vote for the campaign. Legions were raised, consisting of volunteers only; and after three indecisive campaigns a new, young and brilliant commander, Flaminius, beat the Macedonian Phalanx by sweeping away its flank guards, with help of Aetolian cavalry, and taking it in the rear
The Macedonians soon took advantage of the commotion in Aetolia and Thessaly by fortifying the Northern passes such as the Aous which lead to Epirus. Roman fears were confirmed, and it looked that the Macedonians were going to make a move for a crossing over to Italy, prompting the allies into action. The senate allotted him the command of Macedonia and the Greek situation, and after taking with him 3000 legionary infantry and 300 legionary cavalry, along with 5000 infantry and cavalry of Auxiliary status. During his recruitment, many of his troops that he selected for his command were veterans of the various Spanish and Gallic campaigns; those who had served with exemplary courage, or had won the golden (first to go over the wall in a siege) or grass (for saving the life of a fellow citizen during combat) crowns during combat, for example. In 198 BC, after a short spell in Rome, Titus crossed over from Brundisium in South-Eastern Italy to Corcyra in Northern Greece, where he gained a further 8000 infantry and 800 horse of auxiliary status. He then crossed over to the Roman camp there in a Quinquereme to the nearest part of Epirus that was not in the hands of the enemy. He sent Publius Villius Tappulus back to Rome having replaced him as Consul. Publius had not achieved anything worthy of note during his consulship in Macedonia (199 BC), and, apart from a few minor sieges and battles, had done nothing to further the allies prospect of victory. Before Publiuss consulship in Macedonia, however; the Roman forces under Gaius Claudius (the second consul for the year 200 BC) had captured Chalsis (a large Macedonian-held fort which was threatening the naval activities of Athens), but this victory was soon forgotten due to Philips attack of Athens (which then had only a small garrison of Pergamene troops and a mercenary force under the command of Dioxippus) and the earlier siege of Abydus. Also in that year, Athens had declared war against Macedonia without a suitable pretext or military force and, as Livy says
They preserved nothing of their past greatness apart from their proud spirit.
The Consulship of Claudius had shown some improvements in the war, but Titus had observed the previous consuls meager progress of skirmishing, and decided to bring the Macedonians to the field as soon as was plausible. He requested that his brother, Lucius Quinctius Flamininus be given permission by the senate to be commander of the Roman naval force in Greece. According to Plutarch, Lucius was diametrically opposed to his brother in every way, and he rather sternly remarks -
Titus had a brother, Lucius Flamininus, very unlike him in all points of character, and, in particular, low and dissolute in his pleasures, and flagrantly regardless of all decency
Lucius had already been granted a Praetorship the year before and as a result held a significant amount of influence in the republican government. Lucius also brought with his navy around 3000 young soldiers who had defeated the Carthaginian general Asdrubal in Spain under Scipio Africanus.
Soon after Titus had struck camp, Philip camped upon the nearby Aous Mountains with his army and engaged in some small skirmishes, thus denying Titus access into mainland Greece except from the sea. However, some cattle farmers came to Tituss camp and showed him a route which Philips men had neglected to guard. To reinforce their story by showing their allegiance to the allied cause, they told him the name of a pro-Roman Greek in Epirus Charops, son of Machatas, who held a large amount of influence in the city. Titus took this information as true and sent 4000 infantry with 300 cavalry through the pass which the farmers had reported. When it was deemed safe, the main body of the army quietly followed, and hid by day in the woods. That night, they flanked the Macedonian positions overlooking Epirus on the mountains, which was where the Macedonians still believed them to be. The Macedonian Phalanx could not keep up its decisive advantage when being attacked from three sides, in hill terrain with woods around the phalanx was a military tactic more suited to the open field. Plutarch sums up this decisive advantage that the Phalanx could have in his lives
For the Macedonian Phalanx is like some single powerful animal, irresistible so long as it is embodied into one,, and keeps its order, shield touching shield, all as in a piece; but if it be once broken, not only is the joint-force lost, but the individual soldiers who composed it; lose each one of their single strength
Three parties of legionaries and auxiliaries attacked the Macedonian camp, pushing them into a general rout, chasing them down from the Aous Mountains. It was in this manner that Titus secured the first bridgehead into Northern Greece from which he could transport troops from Italy. This poem was composed by the Greek Auxiliary and allied forces under Alcaeuss command
Naked and tomb less see, O passer by, the thirty thousand men of Thessaly,
Slain by the Aetolians and the Latin band, that came with Titus from
Italias land; Alas for mighty Macedon! That day,
Swift as a roe, King Philip fled away"
To which the Macedonians responded
Naked and leafless see, O passer-by
The cross that shall Alcaeus crucify
Philip marched the remnants of his army through Thessaly, burning and pillaging many of the Greek towns and cities which were directly on the road to Epirus to deny Titus the chance to gain more supplies. Many of these towns, such as Phacium, Iresiae, Euhydrium, Eretria and Palaepharsalus were completely destroyed. Throughout the war, Philip attempted to use a scorched earth policy to gain the upper hand against the allies large army. This tactic can be seen throughout almost the whole of the war and was a common practice of many armies of the time in many conflicts. After the Roman victory, Roman allies began to capture various strong points held by the Macedonians around their region Amynander, king of the Athamenes began to move towards the town of Gomphi and the surrounding region after receiving confirmation from the Consul, and the Aetolian forces captured the fortress of Cyphaera.
Soon after these events, as multitude of Greek peoples, such as the Achaeans, the Opuntians, and the Aetolian confederation were all eager for an official Roman military alliance against Philip V. Titus was renowned for his diplomatic skills and ability with people, so much so that Plutarch calls him A Greek in voice and language. His impressive oratory skills and political skills, when combined with his natural charisma, military excellence and knowledge of the Greek world gave him the position of a natural leader against Philip for the allies. After this, most of Greece began to engage in diplomatic negotiations with Tituss forces even another Diodachi (decedents of Alexander the Great) king - Attalus of Pergamum- followed the general consensus and joined the Romans. Philip attempted to reverse this process by sending his delegate, Clemedon, to convince the Aetolians, Phocians and Locrians to leave the kings alliance with little success.
In the year 197 BC, the annual election for the Consuls commenced in Rome, with Gaius Cornelius (Cethegus) and Quintus Minucius (Rufus) being elected Consuls for that year. So successful was the Macedonian campaign under Titus, that the senate and people voted him a proconsul, allowing his consular powers to be extended for the duration of the war. The senate also voted him more reinforcements to his now vast allied army; 6000 infantry, 300 cavalry and 3000 seamen. Lucius was also given senatorial permission to command the Roman fleet in Greece for the continuation of the war with Philip.
That year, after returning from the elections in Rome and receiving his reinforcements, Titus wintered in Phocis and Locris. However, an internal dispute broke out in Opus, where one faction called for Aetolian support, but the other Roman- this was just one example of the widening gap in relations and friendly dispositions between the Roman republic and Aetolian confederation. The Aetolians arrived before the Romans and shut them out of the city, and neither Tituss appeals nor threats would make the Aetolians leave the town. Just before the situation became drastic, a messenger arrived from King Philip calling Titus and his Greek allies to a meeting at the shore of the Malian gulf near Nicaea. King Amynander, King Attalus, Titus and many other Greek leaders were there. The Romans demanded to Philip that he should withdraw from all the Greek states which he had captured, restore all the temples that he had desecrated and sacked, and return to the Romans the province of Illyricum. Pergamum asked for nothing more than the return of the prisoners which Philip had captured from them in numerous naval battles, as well as the unanimous demands for withdrawal. Almost all the Greek states that had taken part in the war or those that had been affected by it asked for the withdrawal of Macedonian garrisons from Greece and to have their lands returned to them. The majority of these demands Philip refused, but he did respect the request of the Roman request for the return of Illyricum, and returned to them almost the entire coast. At this juncture, virtually all the Greek states in Greece proper went over to the Roman side, except for Thebes (which agreed to join the Roman cause after Titus appeared with his army) and Sparta, under the rule of the tyrant Nabis.
All over Greece, Macedonian held towns and cities were falling to the combined might of the Greek and Roman armies, but it was particularly after Philip had suffered a string of defeats at the hands of the Dassareti and later, the Romans that Titus offered Philip a treaty of peace. Naval operations were also taxing Philips forces to the limit- the fleets of Lucius (Tituss brother) and Alattus III (the king of Pergamum) were beginning to press hard on some ports such as Eretria, and had devastated large tracts of land. Tituss terms were that the war would end, as long as Philip respected Greek self-determination, customs and laws. The treaty also demanded the he withdraw all his forces from Greece, and that he should pay according to Plutarch, 1000 Talents, but according to Livy, 200 Talents, and all his shipping except for ten vessels, and that one of his sons, Demetrius, should be sent to Rome to assure the compliance of the terms of the treaty. Titus was, however, at a loss for official action his hands were tied without the agreement of the senate, so a truce was arranged for four months for the journey, and to see if the senate wished for peace with Macedon. Titus was aware that because Antiochus III was preparing for war in Asia, creating a state of security in Greece was vital. The Seleucids had been a thorn in the ancient worlds side for some time seemingly endless invasions of Ptolemaic Egypt (the most recent being in 217 BC, but was repulsed by Ptolemy IV Philopators victory at the battle of Raphia), constant threats to Armenia (in 212 BC he forced Xerxes of Armenia to accept his authority over the region), his invasions of Parthia (Commencing in 209 BC, when he reached the capital, Hecatompylus, leading in the Parthian king, Arsaces II to sue for Peace), but most importantly, his aid of the fugitive Hannibal Barca, who he made his military advisor, placed him under an uncomfortable amount of suspicion from Rome. His granting of sanctuary to a dangerous Roman enemy was placed him among possible Roman enemies.As such, it was necessary for him to tie up the war with Macedon at this period, which is probably why he was reluctant to pursue Philip further and attack Macedonia. During the debate, however, many of the Greek commanders were so furious with Philip for the misery and hardship that he had inflicted upon their people, that they wanted Titus to remove Philip from his throne and invade Macedonia, but, taking yet again influences from Marcellus (the striking parallel that he thought that Philips army would now be so weak that he could leave it to disintegrate, and Marcellus thought along the same lines when facing Hannibal in the second Punic war clearly reinforces the hypothesis of this historian that he gained many of his military tactics from Marcellus), he decided to leave Macedon as a passive buffer state to the more violent tribes in the north.
By demolishing all the nearest powers, we should offer access to ourselves to larger and more menacing races. We must avoid doing that
empires were interrelated with each other this is important in this context as Philip V was in fact Antiochuss nephew through Demetrius IIs marriage with Phthia. Although Diodachi kings had and would later still (the Pontine wars against Mithradies IV Eupator is just one example out of many to come in the later years of the Roman state) intervene in Greek politics because of their historical territorial claims and imperialism, this family relation is certainly worth mentioning. It is possible that this relation was just one out of many pretexts for him to invade Greece he was Rescuing his nephew and thus protecting a relative of Alexander.There is still more evidence to suggest this interlinking of the Diodachi by Antiochus IIIs marriage to Laodice II, daughter of Mithrades II of Pontus. Although this is not enough evidence to suggest some kind of alliance, there are other pieces of evidence. When taking into consideration that both Antiochus III and Philip V had both aided Hannibal barca in some way, we can see some kind of informal sympathies and/or agreement taking place between them. There has still been a continuing argument concerning if Philip and Antiochus had an alliance in 200 BC.
The fragile peace created between the Greek and Roman allies and Macedonia destroyed the hopes of an opportunistic Antiochus, who wished to use the preoccupation of the Romans and Greeks to his advantage in Asia Minor to gain land, and ultimately to invade Greece. However, it did spread dissent within the allied command concerning Tituss behavior concerning the continuation of the Macedonian war. Some, such as the Aetolians, who had throughout most of the campaign been diplomatically difficult for the Romans, had begun to sympathise with Antiochus III, viewing him as a more just Savior of Greece than Titus could ever have been. Thus, the cohesion within the allied command which had provided the united front of Greeks and Romans which caused Philips downfall was beginning to fall apart. At a time when cooperation was needed, the internal alliances were beginning to break apart the Greeks were, it seems, to many and too differing in their opinions of the war with Philip to keep allied for longer. However, despite how the commanders of the opposing Greek factions within the alliance looked at Tituss behavior, which they would have viewed as meek and timid, the general consensus within Greece was that Titus was a hero. On the whole, the average Greek citizen was ecstatic with Tituss servitude to the Hellenic people, and numerous honours were bestowed upon him. Titus then requested that cities such as Corinth, Chalcis and Demetrias should still retain their Roman garrisons to maintain a force in the event of a Seleucid invasion, to which Philip responded, with much anger from Titus that-
Was Titus not deservedly admired by them as their benefactor, who had unshackled the feet of Greece, and tied her up by the neck?
Said with rather ironic foresight as to the Roman domination that was to ensue.
Hostilities were renewed in the spring of 197 BC after the Macedonian delegates returned with no promise of negotiations. The Senate gave Titus unlimited powers in peace and war in Greece, and was granted imperium for the remainder of the war. Antiochuss moves in Asia were becoming more and more threatening and both knew that the question needed to be settled on the field of battle. Since the senate was obviously not tired of war, Titus gave word that he would from then on receive no delegates from Philip who would not bring news of unconditional withdrawal from Greece. To secure his captured cities, Philip transferred the command of Argos and Corinth to Sparta, on the understanding that Nabis was to return control to the Macedonians if Philip was victorious on the field of battle. He also told Nabis of his desire to unite them by marrying their children. Nabis at first refused, but on closer inspection of what Philip was offering him, reluctantly agreed to take control, much to the surprise of the Romans and their allies. Nabis, however, betrayed Philip and offered to give Argos to the allies as a sign of his good will. The two leaders agreed to a conference at which Titus made two demands firstly, that Nabis should end his war with the Acheans, which had been raging for some time, and secondly, that he should send auxiliaries to aid him in the battle that was soon to commence against Philip. Firstly, Nabis refused after consulting his citizens, but it soon came to the knowledge of the consul that the citizens meetings in Sparta were attended by Nabiss soldiers. Titus forced Nabis to hold a meeting without soldiers where the citizens would be allowed to speak freely. After this had commenced, and the wishes of the Spartans became known to the allies rather than the wishes of the tyrant, Nabis agreed to supply a company of 600 Cretans for the battle, and then to arrange a truce of 4 months which was granted with Nicostratos, the Achean chief magistrate. Quinctius then set out for Corinth, which had not been informed of its occupiers capitulation to the allies. Titus sent the 600 Cretan soldiers granted to him by Nabis to the gate to explain the situation to the Spartan commander, Philocles, who agreed to speak to Titus about the possibility of changing his allegiance. His reply was one which suggested procrastination rather than refusal. After this, Titus marched to Anticyra, and Nabis strengthened his garrison at Argos, as he was unsure of his situation.
Later that winter, Titus met with King Attalus of Pergamum at Elatia to discuss the situation of one of their allies the Boetians, who had gradually begun to drift away from the alliance. He and Attalus marched to Thebes, the Boeotian capital, and ordered their assault troops to follow at a distance of some miles, so that the Boetians did not suspect their being marched upon. Halfway through the march, they were met by Antiphilus, the Aetolian chief magistrate, leaving the rest of the population of Thebes to man the walls in case of a Roman attack. The approach of only Titus and Attalus gave the impression to the Theban townspeople that this meeting was one of friendship, and could not see the assault troops who were concealed a few miles behind. The citizens of Thebes put down their weapons and swarmed out of their city to greet him, and were promptly surrounded by the concealed assault troops. The Boetians then gave council to the Romans, and were persuaded by a mix of Aristaenuss (an Achaean magistrate) political oratory and Tituss military cunning to join the Roman alliance.
Titus and the allies then marched past Thermopylae by way of Scarphea and stayed there for a council of the Aetolians to discuss the amount of military support they would give to the Romans during the immediate future. When he had heard the decision, he proceeded to Xyniae were he pitched camp and waited for the Aetolian auxiliaries, which were 6000 infantry and 400 cavalry. He was then joined by 500 Gortynians, 300 Apollonians and 1200 Athamanian infantry. Titus intended to strike camp with all his assembled forces at Thebes of the Pthiotis, but this was held by the enemy, and thus he struck camp outside after a variety of attempts on his troops had been made. He withdrew, as he did not wish to become involved in a siege when the defeat of Philip in the field was far more important to the allied cause.
Titus, with his allies marched out towards Pherae in search of Philip, who was actually stationed in Larisa. Titus by this point had under his supreme command 32500 to 33400 soldiers of both Roman and Greek origin. He even had some elephants and Numidian cavalry sent to him by Masinissa, the king of Numidia. It is thought that Philip had around 16000 infantry in Phalanx formation, 2000 peltasts, 5500 light infantry from Illyria, Thrace and Crete, and 2000 cavalry- making around 25000 troops overall. The two armies met at Pherae, but Philips troops were defeated in a cavalry skirmish outside the city. Both sides then marched towards Scotusa in search of food and supplies, but were hidden from one another because of the hills in the region.
During the march, there was a heavy rainstorm and then, later in the morning, a fog which confused and disoriented Philips soldiers, who had continued marching to Scotusa, while the allies had struck camp. The Macedonian column left a strong rearguard of assorted infantry and cavalry on the hills of Cynoscephalae (the Dogs hills) and pitched camp, as the fog was far too dense for them to continue their march. Titus kept his army camped near Thetideum, but sent out a force of ten squadrons of cavalry and 1000 infantry to reconnoitre the Macedonian preparations, warning them to be open to the possibility of a surprise attack, which could have been devastating when concerning the weather conditions. When the Roman patrol force finally reached the Macedonian rearguard on the Cynoscephalae heights, they were each so surprised of each others appearance that they remained transfixed with their alarming discovery.
The fighting gradually began, not by the orders of Titus and his allies, nor by the orders of Philip. The Roman patrol force had no idea how to proceed at this juncture, and thus their officers were at a loss. A few impetuous soldiers gradually began to skirmish, with more and more joining the fray. In this first fight the Romans were gaining the upper hand, as this was only a small rearguard the Macedonians had not yet sent a relief force to their aid. 500 Cavalry and 2000 infantry were sent under 2 military tribunes to aid the fight which had erupted on the heights. The Macedonians sent messages for the king asking for urgent support, but Philip had not expected battle and a substantial number of his troops had been sent out on foraging expeditions and were hard to find or send a message to in the darkness. The clouds lifted, and the Macedonian troops came into view. Philip was at a loss as to what he should do Titus had camped and had made preparations for defenses and quick action, whereas Philip had continued marching and had only set up his camp and defenses fairly recently. Neither commander had expected the battle to take place in Cynoscephalae the patrols and rearguards of the two columns marching to Scotusa had simply come into unexpected contact.
The Romans were gradually pushed from the top of the heights by Philips cavalry this success gave Philip and his commanders more hope, and thus they promptly sent out all their available forces for battle. Titus too followed this example, although this was more by necessity that by his own design. He kept his elephants to the left wing and his assault troops (such as his legionaries and hastatii) to the right. His speech before the battle proper survives in Livys histories, where he reminded them of the victory of the Aous that they had encountered whilst arriving from Epirus
There you overcame the difficulty of the terrain: you drove out those Macedonians, and you routed them in a pitched battle. Your present foes are those whom on a former occasion you defeated under the command of Publius Sulpicius, when they beset you at the entrance into the land of the Eordaei. It is because of its renown that the Macedonian empire has endured, not in virtue of its strength; and that renown itself has finally withered away
The Macedonians arranged themselves in the Phalanx formation the same formation which had been defeated at the battle of the Aous. The rows of soldiers with their long pikes and interlocking shields made cavalry attacks and most forward infantry attacks nearly impossible, but when attacked from the sides or the back, the troops had not enough mobility to move to repel the attack. Philips main tactic would have been to pin down the enemy with his Hoplites, and then deliver the killing blow with his cavalry. Initially the Macedonian hoplite in the Phalanx formation bode fairly well against the Roman and allied troops, causing a division of them to withdraw, but it was when Philip attempted to send more reinforcements in Phalanx formation that the disaster occurred. A new section of the Macedonian Phalanx lines began to move its way along the rough ground of the lower ridges towards the combat (fighting was occurring all over the hills at this time, even near the Roman camp, where, according the Livy, the Romans were being routed).
It was on this ground that the Macedon Phalanx began to lose its cohesion and it was that Phalanx which Titus attacked with his Numidian Elephants (which, naturally packed a considerable punch to the Macedonian lines and were a huge bonus for his army) the Phalanx, which was then not even in proper formation, began to split up and a rout of the hoplites that had made it up entailed. Philips order for his Phalanx infantry to charge at the Romans caused various elements of his line to loose their formation whilst running the formation of the Phalanx could not be kept whilst running in the manner that Philip was ordering, especially over mountainous terrain. The left wing of Philips line had been broken, and the soft underbelly of the whole Macedonian line was exposed 20 maniples of the Roman legionaries from the front lines went around and then attacked the Macedonians from the back with their short swords, whilst the Phalanx was more or less unable to respond adequately because of their cumbersome weapons.
The Macedonians had been completely flanked to the right by the combination of Elephants and Superior legionary troops. Had the Phalanx managed to get in formation when the Elephants charged, it is likely that they could have held off the elephant charge. A general rout occurred, and the Macedonian forces came streaming down the mountain. Philip and the survivors made for Tempe as fast as they could, whilst the Romans entered the Macedonian camp in hope of plunder, but were disappointed as the camp had already been sacked thoroughly by the Aetolians and various other Greek allies who took part in the battle.
According to Polybius and Livy, 5000 Macedonians had been killed, although Livy states that other sources claim 32000 Macedonians were killed with 4300 prisoners probably an exaggeration from a bias Roman imperial historian, as Philips army at most consisted of 25000 men. Titus supposedly took 1000 prisoners and lost 2000 men himself.
Despite this great victory, many of the Greek allies - the Aetolians in particular thought that Titus allowed Philip to escape because of a promise of gifts from the king. Livy insists that Tituss character spoke against such behavior, and the Aetolians, according to most major sources were indeed the most difficult of all the allied Greek states for Titus to commence diplomacy with, but it is hard to be sure.
Philip was forced to surrender to the same terms which Titus had offered him 198 BC, with some additional clauses added to the negotiations since the last failed attempt. This time, after a major defeat in the field, he was forced to accept. The terms were supposedly, according to Livy, as follows-
1.That all Greek cities, in Europe and Asia, should have their freedom and their own laws
2.That Philip should withdraw his garrisons from the cities which had been in his control: and that he should hand the cities over to the Romans, with his troops removed from them, before the time of the Isthmian games
3.That Philip should withdraw his garrisons from the following cities in Asia: Euromum, Pedasa, Bargyliae, Iasus, Myrina, Abydus, Thasos, and Perinthius (for it had been decided that these places should be free); with regard to the liberty of the Ciani, Quinctius was to write to Prusias, King of Bithynia, telling him the decision of the senate and then ten commissioners)
4.That Philip should surrender to the Romans the prisoners and deserters, all the decked ships except five and one royal galley (of almost unmanageable size, propelled by sixteen rows or oars)
5.That he should have no more than 5000 soldiers, and no elephants at all
6.That he should not wage war outside Macedonian without the Senates permission
7.That he should pay 1000 talents to the Roman people, half of this immediately, the other half in annual installments. (Valerias Antias tells us that an annual tribute of 4000 pounds silver for ten years was imposed on the king; Claudius speaks of a tribute of 4200 pounds for thirty years, and an immediate payment of 20000 pounds The latter also records an explicit additional cause forbidding Philip to wage war against Eumenes, son of Attalus, who was the new king of Pergamum
Much to the anger of many Greeks (in particular the Achaean league) Philips kingdom was kept as a buffer state between Greece and the barbarians such as the Scythians, Dacians and Goths to the north. The battle was not only paramount in the role of initiating the official closure of the Second Macedonian war, but it made the Macedonian Phalanx formerly one of the most powerful troop types in the ancient world - almost completely obsolete in the process the battle of Cynoscephalae showed the agility and versatility that the Roman legionary had over more specialized troops by showing their ability to perform many roles.
Tituss ability just like Consul Marcelluss to adapt to offensives whilst using an ultimately defensive approach was shown in this battle. Macedonia was ultimately broken, and from then on declined. It made one last futile attempt at regeneration in 168 BC, but this was soon squashed by Lucius Faullus at Pydna against king Perseus, son of Philip V and the last genuine Diodachi Macedonian king. Cynoscephalae was the first of these two battles, however, which sealed Macedons fate to ultimately become spliced into four Roman autonomous provinces by around 130 BC.
In 196 BC, Flaminius appeared at the isthmian games in Corinth and proclaimed the freedom of the Greek states. His great knowledge of Greek culture, and his fluency in the language made a deep impact on the Greek people, and he was hailed as their liberator and many coins were minted with his image, and in many cities he was deified. Livy recalls that he
Left a tear on every Greeks cheek
According to Livy, his speech went thus:
The Roman senate, and Titus Quinctius the commander in Chief, make this proclamation, following on the defeat of King Philip and the Macedonians: The Corinthians, the Phocians, all the Locrians together with the Island of Euboea, the Magnesians, the Thessalians, the Perhaebi, The Pththiotic Acheaeans all these peoples are to be free, to be exempt from tribute, and they are to enjoy their own laws
Plutarch states that after his speech-
A shout of joy followed it, so loud that it was heard as far away as the sea.
The feelings of the Greek people towards the Roman republics intervention in their political affairs are summed up as followed by Plutarch-
Courage and wisdom are, indeed rarities amongst men, but of all that is good, a just man it would seem is most scarce. Such as Agesilaus, Lysander, Nicias and Alcibiades knew how to play the generals part, how to manage a war, how to bring off their men victorious by land and sea; but how to employ that success to generous and honest purposes, they had not known.
This feeling which was seemingly replicated over a huge amount of the Hellenic world seems to be in the face of evidence rather nave. The real motives behind the Roman intervention were to secure Greece as a pro-Roman land, and to ensure that Philip could not support their enemies like he had once supported Hannibal in the second Punic war. As eloquent and cultured as Titus may have been, he was still fundamentally a servant to the republic and his country, and he viewed Philip moreover as an enemy of the Roman state. Although Titus and the republic obviously valued the Greek states as allies, and that the intervention was by no means of a Machiavellian one in nature, it was ultimately for the benefit of Rome, not for the Greeks.Fundamentally, Flaminiuss success was built on an ambiguity in his language. For Greeks the proclamation of freedom meant self-rule, but in Roman law a freed slave became the client of his former master (a freedmen) and still owed his patron respect and political obedience, and thus, what Titus was proclaiming and what the Greeks thought he said were in actuality different things altogether. Rather than being the saviour of Greece, Titus was literally the best person for the job because of his knowledge of Greek culture and military expertise.
The majority of those who sympathized with the Romans, however, were the Greek plutocrats and bourgeois, who saw the Romans as Mediterranean policemen who could help them in their own petty city affairs. Naturally, these were not the woes of the people, who needed allied foreign support after the devastation that they had suffered at the hands of Philip and the gradual decline that had come from the fading of the light of Greece. These once powerful city states had lost all cohesion to the superpowers that were now the Diodachi and the Roman republic. Greece would soon become the middle ground in an ancient cold war between Rome and the Hellenic kingdoms.
The Romans had not previously intervened heavily in any other Greek affairs until after the Punic wars and the Pyrrhic wars both of which showed them the danger that the Hellenic world could render. As the common phrase goes Theres no such thing as a free meal. He withdrew his garrisons from the various towns and cities which he had captured from Philip and returned back to them their original governments and laws. In return, he was given vast amounts of honours by many Greek nations the Acheans released all the Roman soldiers who had been taken intro slavery from the second Punic war to Titus (In return Titus sent Philips son back to him), huge hordes of loot from the Macedonian war (Tuditanus says, 3,713 pounds weight of gold, 43,270 of silver, 14,514 pieces of gold and a selection of Macedonian arms and helmets), Titus himself thought of his liberation of Greece more highly than anything else that he had done, and donated to Apollo a golden crown at Delphi with the following inscription
This golden crown upon thy locks divine,
O blest Latonas son, was set to shine
By the great captain of the Aenean name,
O Phoebus, grant the noble Titus fame!
His success was so much that the next two consuls of 196 BC (L. Furius Purpurio and M. Claudius Marcellus) and the senate kept him as a Pro-Consul and allowed him to retain his army and authority in Macedonia.
Soon after these events, the eyes of the allied high command turned to Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta who still held the last few cities which had not been proclaimed as free by Tituss declaration at the Isthmian games. These cities had been handed over to Nabis from Philip before the battle of Cynoscephalae on the condition that he returned them if Philip won. Nabis had never joined the allied command against Philip, and was renowned for his tyranny of Sparta. A deputation from the Senate arrived at Tituss camp to discuss the possibility of war with Sparta. Titus called a meeting of the allied commanders to discuss the situation.
The Romans and Greeks have waged war against Philip with a united spirit and a common strategy, although they each had their own motives for war. For he had violated his friendship with the Romans, at one time by helping their enemies the Carthaginians, at another by attacking our allies in these parts; while towards you he behaved in such a way that your wrongs gave us adequate justification for war, even if we forgot the wrongs offered to us. Todays discussion depends entirely on you. I put before you the question whether you are willing to allow Argos which, as you know, has been seized by Nabis to remain under his control, or whether you think it equitable that this most renowned and ancient city, in the centre of Greece, should be restored to freedom and enjoy the same status as the other cities of the Peloponnese and Greece. This debate, as you see, is about a matter which is altogether your concern; it does not affect the Romans at all, except in so far as the enslavement of one community in liberated Greece prevents their glory from being full and unqualified. However, if you are unmoved by concern for the city, or by the precedent thus set, or by the danger that the infection of that evil may spread more widely, well and good, as far as we are concerned. I am asking your advice on this question, and I shall abide by the decision reached by the majority
This speech of Tituss was responded to with mixed approval the Athenian representative was ecstatic with the Roman liberation of his country, whereas the Aetolian delegate, Alexander, brought a charge of fraud against the Romans on the ground that they were making too much of a show of how much they had achieved and how good natured they were, but that they were still holding Chalcis and Demetrias with their garrisons. Some of the Greek representatives, such as Achaeans, felt that they had earned the land that they had captured from Philip with the blood of their soldiers, and deserved to have the control of cities such as Echinus and Pharsalus. The real issue on the agenda, that of the recovery of Argos from Nabis, was only brought up by Aristaenuss, the chief Magistrate of the Achaeans, who replied to the Aetolians:
May Jupiter Optimus Maximus and Queen Juno, protectress of Argos, forbid that the city be the prize to be contended for by a Spartan tyrant and Aetolian brigands, in such as plight that its recovery by you would bring greater misery than its capture by him. The intervening sea does not protect us from those brigands, Titus Quinctius; and what will our future be if they establish their citadel in the heart of the Peloponnese? They have only the tongue of Greeks, just as they have only the outward shape of men; they live according to customs and practices more savage than those of any barbarians
The general consensus throughout the delegation was one of approval that Argos should be reclaimed by force. However, when the allied army moved out, there was a revolt in Argos, when a young Argive called Damocles attempted to raise a rebellion against the Spartan occupation. This failed and the protesters were brutally massacred apart from a few who escaped to seek refuge with the allied army. It was at this time that Titus argued to his generals that:
What could be more inconsistent than to leave the real enemy alone and attack Argos, seeing that the war had been undertaken on behalf of the Argives against the tyrant?
The army promptly moved out, raising the siege preparations. Titus struck camp at Caryae, where King Philip sent 15000 Macedonians and 400 Thessalian cavalry. The assembly of supplies, however and troops for the long siege ahead was taking up too much valuable time, and alongside this, naval forces were assembling to blockade the Spartan ports Lucius Flamininus and King Eumenes of Pergamum had arrived from Leucas with around 60 vessels between them of varying sizes and types. There was also a large body of exiled Spartans who had escaped from the terror of Nabiss regime to fight for the Romans. According to Livy, the main exile was Agesipolis, the rightful heir to the Spartan throne.
It is, however important to consider the historical context of the word Tyrant that was ascribed to Nabis. Many of his reforms were actually those of a philanthropist and were not tyrannical in the modern sense of the word. A good comparison to draw would be that of the Gracchi brothers in the later Roman republic, Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus, who attempted to aid the plebeians through their offices as Tribunes by removing some power from the plutocrats and senators. The traditional definition of tyrant was stated by Gibbon:
It is sufficiently known that the odious appellation of tyrant was often employed by the ancients to express the illegal seizure of supreme power, without any reference to the abuse of it.
The generation of Greek Tyrannos which Nabis belonged to was the result of the widespread destruction of Athens and Sparta after the Peloponnesian war. Sparta, Athens and many of the other city states involved soon became pawns to the whims of the emerging Pan-Continental superpowers such as the Diodachi kingdoms, the Roman republic and Carthage. The Glory of Greece was gradually overshadowed by these gargant nations, who influenced these nations, Sparta being just one, with Nabis being a pawn to Philip V.
Nabis was not democratic, as can be seen in Livys accounts of him, but neither were many of the Greeks who denounced him as a Tyrant, so we must assume that the basis for this accusation is of his attack on the rich of Sparta. Sir William Tarn summed up the problem excellently
One must look fairly at what he did. He carried out all the four points of the social revolution. He abolished debts, redistributed land (leaving some for the wives and children even of exiled opponents), freed slaves and harlots and use money taken from the well-to-do to defray state expenses (including perhaps the ancient Spartan institution of common meals). Certainly, in getting rid of the class-state, as he claimed to have done, he for the last time restored Spartas strength in an extra ordinary way
Are the actions described by Tarn those of a demagogue? It would seem not. It is also important to consider some of Livys limitations as a historian at this time. He reports literally nothing of Nabiss virtues and only his vices, painting a picture of a brutal tyrant. Since a huge proportion of the information that we have about Titus Quinctius Flaminius comes from Titus Livy, it must therefore be treated with caution and the larger perspective be seen. Most imperial-age historians such as Livy were extremely bias and needed to appease the patriotism that the emperor expected of them. The absolute disgust that Titus seems to have felt towards Nabis (as can be seen from the reports from various scholars of his meetings with him and reflections upon him) does seem to be hypocritical and thoroughly unjustified. The Roman republic was culturally against the entire principle of monarchy, and thus, the Roman antipathy towards a tyrant would in theory be the same toward the Roman antipathy towards a monarch. Many of the Roman allies such as the Pergamene kings and Athamene kings were monarchs, so the destruction of Sparta and other Macedonian allies must have been of more importance than the political system which those nations had instated.
When he had assembled his forces, Titus and his vast army marched through the land of Sellasia where he marched up to the river Eurotas, almost at the walls of the city. The Spartans suddenly sallied out when Titus was pitching camp and attacked, killing a few soldiers. A panic set in, as the Romans and their Greek allies had not been prepared for battle so soon. The legionaries, however, entered the fray, pushing the Spartan attack force back to the city walls. The Romans arranged in full battle formation, afraid of anymore surprise attacks, but soon went back to complete to camp preparations.
The next day, Titus marched out his troops along the city walls to prepare for siege. Just as this was happening, the Spartan forces desperately sallied out again and tried to attack the allied van. The commander of the rearguard legionary force, Appius Claudius, however, was a cunning commander and had been prepared for this eventuality. He swung round his entire rearguard with ruthless efficiency and attacked Nabiss attack force. The Spartans broke and swarmed back towards the city gates, with the Achean Greeks close in pursuit inflicting horrific casualties because of their knowledge of the surrounding countryside. Titus then pitched camp at Amyclae, where he devastated the land surrounding the city. When Nabis moved his attack forces out, to confront Titus, he relocated his camp to the river Eurotas, where he pillaged the land as well. However, it was not just on his land front that Nabis was feeling the consequences of sympathizing with the old Macedonian enemy naval forces were also pressing hard on his trade routes and ports, and one of particular importance, Gytheum, was being blockaded by Lucius. This large walled port contained one of the major military arsenals for the Spartan army, not to mention Spartan naval vessels, and despite its heavy defenses, Lucius Quinctius Flamininus and Eumenes of Pergamums triremes were not going to be an easy enemy for the Spartan garrison. It was not soon before the sailors from the two fleets had constructed a large battery of siege engines such as manlets and battering rams which reduced a section of the wall and an adjacent tower to rubble. The Romans had almost broken through when they arrived at a stalemate with the Spartans and their commanders Dexagoridas and Gorgopas. Dexagoridas had stated that he was prepared to negotiate surrender, but was soon executed by Gorgopas for negotiation with the enemy and the hopes of a peaceful conclusion to the siege was dashed in an instant. Gorgopas continued the defense with greater ruthlessness than before, but when 4000 extra troops arrived with Titus from his camp, Gorgopas in desperation was forced to negotiate.
That's what for Knights and Praetor exist. But they are lurking about Europe and can't give any thorough advice... so, you'll have to wait.
Indeed we are, but I've found time to come online here in London. I'll be back home in Sydney next Wednesday, so will try to get back to you regarding this article of yours, by next weekend [if all goes to plan...got a lot of schoolwork to do]. Praetor gets back next Friday, I imagine he's in France right now... I look forward to reading your article.
That's what for Knights and Praetor exist. But they are lurking about Europe and can't give any thorough advice... so, you'll have to wait.
Indeed we are, but I've found time to come online here in London. I'll be back home in Sydney next Wednesday, so will try to get back to you regarding this article of yours, by next weekend [if all goes to plan...got a lot of schoolwork to do]. Praetor gets back next Friday, I imagine he's in France right now... I look forward to reading your article.
- Knights -
In short, praise and hail the Aussies...
However, I'd like to remind you not to spam/troll other members' topic....
What do you mean about "Spamming and Trolling?" I've done no such thing, Rider!
I was talking about Knights!
EDIT: I've been forced to agree that Knights has never and will never be part in such atrocities as trolling and spamming, therefore my statements that aforementioned honourable person has taken part in such actions has been without claim and everyone reading it must understand that it was only meant as an evil joke.
Thanks. That was a little confusing. Anyway, i'll get the rest of this article done and look out for that PM of Kilroy's and anybody else who wants to do some editing for it. Please note that if you do, you will be put in my acknowledgements - grab a piece of the cake! ...I know that's not much of an incentive to give me some help, but I suppose it was worth a try
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Topic: ...Pretty much my whole new article...
Indeed we are, but I've found time to come online here in London. I'll be back home in Sydney next Wednesday, so will try to get back to you regarding this article of yours, by next weekend [if all goes to plan...got a lot of schoolwork to do]. 
