After the publication of Putin's photos at a pro-Kremlin youth forum in a
summer camp on Lake Seliger in the Russian Tver Region , 350 km north
of Moscow, discussions about a strange unrecognizable face of the
Russian leader erupted on Russian Internet blogs.
Many Russians state that Putin now has a Mongolian-type eye shape and cheek.
"Putin is a Mongol!", says a young Democratic opposition leader Roman
Dobrokhotov who is also known in the West. Seeing a close-up photo of
Putin with two narrow slits as eyelids, Mr. Dobrokhotov writes: "Botox
is evil. A little more and he would have to hide his face behind a
handkerchief, like Michael Jackson did".
Source: Kavkaz Center
After the Mongol invasion of Russia, the Rurikid rulers of Russian principalities were eager to obtain political advantages for themselves and their countries by marrying into the House of Genghis. Alexander Nevsky was adopted by Batu Khan as his son. Alexander's grandson Yury of Moscow married a sister of Uzbeg Khan; however, they had no progeny. On the other hand, petty Mongol princelings of Genghisid stock sometimes settled in Russia. For instance, Berke's nephew adopted the Christian name Peter and founded St. Peter's Monastery in Rostov, where his descendants were long prominent as boyars.
St. Theodore Stratelates, the patron saint of Fyodor the Black, as illustrated in his personal Gospel Book.
The issue of three Russian-Mongol marriages may be traced down to the present. The most famous was the marriage of St. Fyodor the Black, later proclaimed a patron saint of Yaroslavl, to a daughter of the Mongol khan Mengu-Timur.[3] Fyodor's relations with the khan were idyllic: he spent more time in the Horde (where he was given extensive possessions) than in his capital. Male-line descendants of Fyodor's marriage to the Tatar princess include all the later rulers of Yaroslavl and two dozens princely families (such as the Shakhovskoy, Lvov, or Prozorovsky, among others), which passed Genghis genes to other aristocratic families of Russia.
Prince Gleb of Beloozero, a grandson of Konstantin of Russia, was another Rurikid prince influential at the Mongol court. Gleb married the only daughter of Khan Sartaq. From this marriage descends the House of Belozersk, whose scions include Princes Ukhtomsky and Beloselsky-Belozersky.
The most problematic is the marriage of Narimont, the second son of Gediminas of Lithuania, to Toqta's daughter. The earliest source for this marriage is the "Jagiellonian genealogy", compiled in the 18th-century from Ruthenian chronicles by one Joannes Werner. While the marriage is not utterly impossible (Narimont spent several years in the Horde), there are no extant chronicles which mention Narimont's wife. This highly uncertain gateway derives particular interest from the fact that the Galitzine, Khovansky and Kurakin princely families are Narimont's agnatic descendants.
Ivan the Terrible,his mother Elena Glinskaya is a descendant of Mongol Mamai Khan
Sain-Burat (Simeon Bekbulatovich),Tsar of Russia,direct descendant of Genghis Khan
Boris Godunov,Tsar of Russia,Mongol-tatar origin
Peter the Great
Mikhail Kutuzov,the Russian general who defeated Napoleon.Mongol-Tatar origin
Russian alcoholism and the "Mongoloid gene"
Russian alcoholism and the "Mongoloid gene"
SCIENTISTS researching cures for alcoholism and hangovers say that they
have found a genetic link between Russians’ traditional weakness for
drink and the marauding Mongol armies.
As many as 50 per cent of Muscovites are estimated to have inherited
Mongol genes that make them absorb more alcohol into the bloodstream and
break it down at a slower rate than most Europeans, they say.
That means that they get more drunk and have worse hangovers, and are
more likely to become addicted to alcohol, given Russia’s taste for
vodka, its harsh climate and the social and economic chaos after the
collapse of the Soviet Union.
“The difference is huge — in reaction speed, memory, hand tremor — and
in how they recover,” Vladimir Nuzhny, of the Health Ministry’s National
Narcology Research Centre, said. “On average, 50 per cent of people in
Moscow have this Mongoloid gene. So this, we think, is part of the
problem.”
As part of the study, the scientists paid 12 volunteer students to drink
350 grams, about a third of a bottle, of vodka in an hour, and then
monitored their behaviour.
“That’s a lot by Western standards, but it’s normal for Russia,” Dr
Nuzhny told The Times. “At first they thought it was great, because they
were being paid to drink, but after a while they realised it was more
like work.”
The intoxicated students had to perform a series of tests, including
answering questionnaires and playing rally-driving computer games, and
they were breathalysed at regular intervals. The scientists even
measured their ability to stand up straight.
After sleeping off the effects in a dormitory at the laboratory — which
had a karaoke machine — the students were given a slap-up breakfast
before doing more tests to measure their hangovers. The study showed
that those with the Mongol genes absorbed 50 per cent more alcohol into
the bloodstream at peak levels and metabolised it much more slowly than
the other students.
“The way they get drunk is completely different. They are also more
likely to feel aggressive or depressed,” Dr Nuzhny said. “They do not
necessarily look Mongolian, but the gene that governs how they
metabolise alcohol is Mongoloid.”
The Mongols swept across Asia and Russia and into Europe in the 13th
century and ruled Russia for two centuries. Inter-marriage with the
Slavs and other ethnic groups was common.
Scientists have long known that people of Mongol extraction, including Japanese,Koreans and Northern Chinese, have an enzyme for metabolising alcohol
that is different from that of Caucasian Europeans.
Dr Nuzhny claims that his study is the first to look at the effect of
alcohol on Russians who have inherited Mongol genes. He says that the
phenomenon can be explained partly by evolution. The nomadic Mongols,
whose only indigenous form of alcohol was fermented mare’s milk, evolved
with a different enzyme from the settled Europeans, with their long
tradition of producing stronger grape and grain-based alcohol.
Dr Nuzhny’s research is partly funded by pharmaceutical companies trying to develop drugs to cure hangovers and alcoholism.
Russians drink about 15 litres of pure alcohol a head each year, one of
the highest rates in the world, and by some estimates one in seven
Russians are alcoholics. Alcohol is largely to blame for a fall in life
expectancy to less than 59 since the fall of the Soviet Union.
Lenin is 1/4 Kalmyk Mongol
Semen Budyonnuyy,the greatest Russian military commander
Basan Gorodvikhov,the man who led army to Berlin in 1944
Stalin Khan lol
Semyon TimoshenkoPetorov Ivanovivh
Andrey Yeryomenko
Leonid Brezhnev,the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1964 until 1982
The Effects of the Mongol Empire on Russia
By Dustin Hosseini
Introduction
The history of Russia has always been a
relatively sad and tumultuous one wrought with wars, power struggles,
and abrupt changes. These changes have often been forcibly thrust
wholesale upon Russia, rather than evolving through gradual, measured
methods as in most peoples’ histories. From an earlier time, in which we
know Russia as ‘Kievan Rus,’ the princes of the various cities (such as
Vladimir, Pskov, Suzdal, and Kiev) constantly battled and bickered for
power and control of the small semi-united state. Under the reigns of
St. Vladimir (980-1015) and Yaroslav the Wise (1015-1054), the Kievan
state was at its highest point and attained relative peace in contrast
with years past. However, as history went, once the reigning rulers
died, a power struggle ensued and wars once again flared.
It was perhaps the decision of Yaroslav
the Wise before his death in 1054 to assign princedoms to his sons that
set the future of Kievan Russia for the next two hundred years.
Following this decision, civil wars between the various sons ravaged
much of the Kievan confederation, draining it of essential resources it
would later need. As the princes incessantly fought with each other, the
confederation of cities known as the Kievan state slowly decayed,
declined, and lost its former glory. Further weakened by the incursions
of steppe tribes such as the Polovtsy (aka Cumans/Kumans or Kipchaks)
and previously by the Pechenegs, eventually the Kievan state was ripe
for a takeover by more powerful invaders from distant lands.
Yet before this, the Rus had a chance to
change their fate. It was around 1219 when the Mongols first entered
the areas nearest Kievan Russia in a move against the Polovtsy, who, in
turn, asked for the assistance of the Rus princes. A council of princes
convened in Kiev to consider the request, an act which worried the
Mongols. According to historical sources, the Mongols declared that they
had not attacked the cities or people of the Rus nor attacked their
lands. The Mongol envoys requested peace of the Russian princes. Yet the
princes did not trust the Mongols, suspecting that the Mongol advance
would continue into Rus. Subsequently, the Mongol emissaries were
promptly killed and any chance for peace was destroyed at the hands of
the princes of the fractured Kievan state. Within twenty years, Batu
Khan marched from Mongolia with an army of 200,000 men. One by one,
Russian principalities such as Ryazan, Moscow, Vladimir, Suzdal, and
Rostov fell to the Batu and his armies. The armies looted and razed the
cities, slaughtered the people, and took many as prisoners and slaves.
The Mongols eventually captured, sacked, and destroyed Kiev, the
symbolic center of Kievan Russia. Only outlying northwesterly
principalities such as Novgorod, Pskov, and Smolensk survived the
onslaught, though these cities would endure indirect subjugation and
become tributaries of the Golden Horde. Perhaps a decision by the
Russian princes to make peace could have averted this. However, that was
not the case and for their miscalculations, Russia would be forever
changed in terms of its religion, art, language, government, and
political geography.
The Orthodox Church
With the initial Mongol onslaught, many
churches and monasteries were looted and destroyed while countless
adherents to the church and scores of clergy were killed; those who
survived often were taken prisoner and enslaved (Dmytryshyn, 121). The
mere shock of the force and size of the Mongol army was devastating. The
distress was just as political and economic in nature as it was social
and spiritual. The Mongol forces claimed that they were sent by God, and
the Russians believed that the Mongols were indeed sent by God as a
punishment for their sins. The Orthodox Church would become a powerful
beacon during the “darker” years of the Mongol subjugation. The Russian
people would eventually turn inward, seeking solace in their faith and
looking to the Orthodox Church for guidance and support. The shock of
being conquered by this steppe people would plant the seeds of Russian
monasticism, which would in turn play a major role in the conversion of
such people as the Finno-Ugrian tribes and the Zyrianians (now known as
the Komi), as well as the colonization of the northern regions of Russia
(Vernadsky, 379).
The humiliation suffered by the princes
and the town assemblies caused fragmentation of their political
authority. This loss of political unity allowed the Church to rise as an
embodiment of both religious and national identity while filling the
gap of lost political identity (Riasanovsky, 57). The unique legal
concept of iarlyk (pronounced ‘yarlīgh’), or charter of
immunity, also contributed to the strengthening of the Church. With the
reign of Mönke-Temür, a iarlyk was issued to Metropolitan Kirill for the Orthodox Church in 1267. While the church had been under the de facto protection of the Mongols ten years earlier (from the 1257 census conducted under Khan Berke), this iarlyk
formally decreed protection for the Orthodox Church. More importantly,
it officially exempted the church from any form of taxation by Mongol or
Russian authorities (Ostrowski, 19). And permitted that clergymen not
be registered during censuses and that they were furthermore not liable
for forced labor or military service (Hosking, 57).
As expected, the result of the iarlyk
issued to the Orthodox Church was profound. For the first time, the
church would become less dependent on princely powers than in any other
period of Russian history. The Orthodox Church was able to acquire and
consolidate land at a considerable rate, one that would put the church
in an extremely powerful position in the centuries following the Mongol
takeover. The charter of immunity strictly forbade both Mongol and
Russian tax agents from seizing church lands or demanding any services
from the Orthodox Church. This was enforced by a simple penalty – death
(Vernadsky, 377).
Another prominent reason the church
developed so quickly laid in its mission – to spread Christianity and
convert those still practicing paganism in the countryside. To
strengthen the internal structure of the Orthodox Church, metropolitans
traveled extensively throughout the land to alleviate administrative
deficiencies and to oversee the activities of the bishops and priests.
Moreover, the relative security (economic, military, and spiritual)
surrounding hermitages lured peasants from the countryside. As this
heightened urban development within the periphery of church properties
destroyed the peaceful atmosphere the hermitage was originally
established to give, members of the monastery would move further out
into the wilderness to establish a new hermitage, beginning the process
anew. This system of founding religious settlements continued for some
time and contributed to the augmentation of the Orthodox Church
(Vernadsky, 377-8).
One last significant change that
occurred was the location of the center of the Orthodox Church. Before
the Mongols invaded Russian lands, Kiev was the ecclesiastical center.
Following the destruction of Kiev, the Holy See moved to Vladimir in
1299, and eventually to Moscow in 1322 (Hosking, 72), helping to bolster
the importance of Moscow significantly.
Art
While the arts in Russia first suffered
mass deportations of its artists, the monastic revival and the focus of
attention that turned toward the Orthodox Church led to an artistic
revival. What defined the Russians – at this crucial moment when they
were without a state – was their Christianity and ability to express
their devout beliefs. During this Time of Troubles, such great artists
as Theophanes the Greek and Rublev came into play (Figes, 299-300).
It was during the second half of the
Mongol rule in the mid-fourteenth century that Russian iconography and
fresco painting began once again to flourish. Theophanes the Greek
arrived in the late 1300s. He decorated and worked on various churches
throughout the land, especially in Novgorod and Nizhniy Novgorod. In
Moscow, he painted the iconostasis for the Church of the Annunciation as
well as worked on the Church of the Archangel Michael (Martin, 233). A
few decades after Theophanes’ arrival, Rublev would become one of his
most aspiring and important students. Iconography came to Russia from
Byzantium in the tenth century, but the Mongol invasion in the
thirteenth century cut Russia off from Byzantium.
Language
While the linguistic effects may seem at
first trivial, such impacts on language help us to determine and
understand to what extent one empire had on another people or group of
people – in terms of administration, military, trade – as well as to
what geographical extent the impact included. Indeed, the
linguistic and even socio-linguistic impacts were great, as the Russians
borrowed thousands of words, phrases, other significant linguistic
features from the Mongol and the Turkic languages that were united under
the Mongol Empire (Dmytryshyn, 123). Listed below are a few examples of
some that are still in use. All came from various parts of the Horde.
-
амбар ambar barn
-
базар bazar bazaar
-
деньги den’gi money
-
лошадь loshad‘ horse
-
сундук sunduk truck, chest
-
таможня tamozhnya customs
One highly important colloquial feature
of the Russian language of Turkic origin is the use of the word давай
which expresses the idea of ‘Let’s…’ or ‘Come on, let’s...’ (Figes,
370-1). Listed below are a few common examples still found commonly in
Russian.
-
Давай чай попьем. Davai chai popem. ‘Let’s drink some tea.’
-
Давай выпьем! Davai vypem! ‘Come on, let’s get drunk!’
-
Давай пойдём! Davai poidyom! ‘Come on, let’s go!’
In addition, there are dozens of place
names of Tatar/Turkic origin in southern Russia and the lands of the
Volga River that stand out on maps of these areas. City names such as
Penza, Alatyr, and Kazan’ and names of regions such as Chuvashia and
Bashkortostan are examples.
Administration and Institutions
Images of totalitarianism spring to mind
when one at first ponders that which is Russia: from the current times
of Vladimir Putin’s presidency, to when the Soviet Union was still a
nation, and even before to Imperial Russia. However, in Kievan Rus, a
form of democracy did exist. Comprised of all free male citizens, the veche
(вече) was a town assembly that met to discuss such matters as war and
peace, law, and invitation or expulsion of princes to the veche’s respective town; all cities in Kievan Russia had a veche.
It was essentially a forum for civic affairs to discuss and resolve
problems. However, this democratic institution suffered severe
curtailment under the Mongols.
By far the most influential of the assemblies were in Novgorod and Kiev. In Novgorod, a special veche bell
(in other towns, church bells were ordinary used for this purpose) was
created for calling the townspeople together for an assembly, and in
theory, anyone could ring it. In the times after the Mongols had conquered the majority of Kievan Russia, veches ceased to exist in all cities except Novgorod, Pskov, and others in the northwestern regions. Veches
in those cities continued to function and develop until Moscow itself
subjugated them in the late fifteenth century. However, today the spirit
of the veche as a public forum has been revived in several cities across Russia, including especially Novgorod.
Of great importance to the Mongol
overlords was census tabulation, which allowed for the collection of
taxes. To support censuses, the Mongols imposed a special dual system of
regional administration headed by military governors, the basqaqi (баскаки), and/or civilian governors, the darugi (даругы). Essentially, the basqaqi
were given the responsibility of directing the activities of rulers in
the areas that were resistant or had challenged Mongol authority. The darugi
were civilian governors that oversaw those regions of the empire that
had submitted without a fight or that were considered already pacified
to Mongol forces (Ostrowski, 273). However, the offices of the basqaqi and the darugi, while occasionally overlapping in authority and purpose did not necessarily always rule at the same time.
As we know from history, the ruling
princes of Kievan Russia did not trust the Mongolian ambassadors that
came to discuss peace with them in the early 1200s; the princes
regrettably put the ambassadors of Genghis Khan to the sword and before
long paid dearly. Thus, in the thirteenth century the basqaqi
were stationed in the conquered lands to subjugate the people and
authorize even the day-to-day activities of the princes. Furthermore, in
addition to ensuring the the census, the basqaqi oversaw conscription of the local populace (Martin, 150).
Existing sources and research indicates that the basqaqi
had largely disappeared from the Rus’ lands by the mid-fourteenth
century, as the Rus more or less accepted the Mongol overlords. As the basqaqi left, the darugi replaced them in power. However, unlike the basqaqi, the darugi were
not based in the confines of the lands of the Rus; in fact, they were
stationed in Sarai, the old capital of the Golden Horde located not far
from present-day Volgograd. The darugi functioned mainly as
experts on the lands of the Rus’ and advised the khan accordingly. While
the responsibility of collecting and delivering tribute and conscripts
had belonged to the basqaqi, with the transition from the basqaqi to the darugi
these duties we actually transferred to the princes themselves when the
khan saw that the princes could complete such tasks (Martin, 151).
The first census taken by the Mongols
occurred in 1257, just seventeen years after their conquest of Rus’
lands. The population was divided into multiples of ten, a system that
had been employed by the Mongols who
extended its use over the entirety of their empire; the census served as
the primary purpose for conscription as well as for taxation. This
practice was carried on by Moscow after it stopped acknowledging the
Horde in 1480. The practice fascinated foreign visitors to Russia, to
whom large-scale censuses were still unknown. One such visitor,
Sigismund von Herberstein from Hapsburg made note of the fact that every
two or three years, the prince conducted a census throughout the land
(Wittfogel, 638). Census taking would not become widespread in Europe
until the early 19th century. One significant observation that we must
make is that the extent to which the Russians so thoroughly conducted
the census was not achieved elsewhere in Europe for another 120 years or
so, during the Age of Absolutism. The impact of the Mongol Empire at
least in this area was obviously deep and effective and helped to create
a strong central government for Russia.
One important institution that the basqaqi oversaw and maintained was the yam
(a system of posts), which was constructed to provide food, bedding,
horses, and either coaches or sleds, according to the season (Hosking,
89). At first constructed by the Mongols, the yam allowed
relatively rapid movement of important communiqués between the khans and
their local leaders, as well as a method of quickly dispatching envoys,
local or foreign, between the various principalities across the vast
the empire. Each post had horses ready for use by authorized persons as
well as to replace tired horses for especially long journeys. Each post
was usually located about a day’s ride from the nearest post. The local
people were obliged to maintain the posts, to feed the horses, and to
meet the needs of emissaries traveling through their posts.
The system was quite efficient. Another report by emissary Sigismund von Herberstein of the Hapsburgs stated that the yam
system allowed him to travel 500 kilometers (from Novgorod to Moscow)
within 72 hours – much faster than anywhere in Europe (Wittfogel,
639-40). The yam system helped the Mongols to maintain tight
control over their empire. During the twilight years of the Mongol’s
hold on Russia in the late fifteenth century, Prince Ivan III decided to
continue the use of the idea of the system of the yam in order
to keep an established system of communication and intelligence.
However, the idea of a postal system as we know it today would not come
into existence until after the death of Peter the Great in the early
1700s.
Some such institutions brought to Russia
by the Mongols transformed to meet Russian needs over time and lasted
for many centuries after the Golden Horde. These greatly augmented the
development and expansion of the intricate bureaucracy of the later,
imperial Russia.
The Rise of Moscow
Founded in 1147, Moscow remained an
insignificant town for more than a hundred years. At that time, the
location lay at the crossroads of three major roads, one of which
connected Moscow to Kiev. The geographic location of Moscow merits
attention, as it sits on a bend of the Moscow River, which connects to
the Oka and Volga River. Via the Volga River, that allows access to the
Dniepr and Don Rivers, as well as the Black and Caspian Seas, huge
opportunities for trade and commerce with distant lands have always
existed. With the Mongol onslaught, droves of refugees began to arrive
from the devastated southern portion of Rus, namely Kiev (Riasanovsky,
109). Moreover, the actions of the Muscovite princes in favor with the
Mongols helped Moscow’s rise as the center of power.
Leading up to the point that the Mongols granted Moscow the iarlyk,
Tver and Moscow were constantly struggling for power. The major turning
point surfaced in 1327 when the populace of Tver started to rise in
rebellion. Seeing this as an opportunity to please the khan of his
Mongol overlords, Prince Ivan I of Moscow took a huge Tatar contingent
and quashed the rebellion in Tver, thereby restoring order in that city
and winning the favor of the khan. For his show of loyalty, Ivan I was
also granted the iarlyk and with this Moscow took yet another
step towards prominence and power. Soon the princes of Moscow took over
the responsibilities of collecting taxes throughout the land (and in
doing so, taking part of these taxes for themselves) and eventually the
Mongols gave this responsibility solely to Moscow and ended the practice
of sending their own tax collectors. Yet Ivan I was more than a shrewd
politician and exchequer of good judgment: he was perhaps the first
prince to replace the traditional lateral line of succession with the
vertical line (though this would not be fully achieved until the second
Prince Vasilii’s reign in the mid-1400s (Hosking, 71-2)). This change
brought more stability to Moscow and thus strengthened her position
within the realm. As Moscow grew wealthier through being the main tax
collector of the lands, its authority over several principalities became
greater and more consolidated. The lands that Moscow gained equated
with more taxes and more access to resources, and thus more power.
During the time that Moscow grew
wealthier and more powerful, the Golden Horde was in a state of general
decay, wrought with rebellions and coups. Prince Dmitrii decided to
attack the Kazan khanate in 1376 and was successful. Not long after, one
of the Mongol generals, Mamai, sought to create his own horde of sorts
in the steppes west of the Volga River (Hosking, 79) and he decided to
challenge the authority of Prince Dmitrii on the banks of the Vokha
River; Dmitrii defeated Mamai, exciting his Muscovites and, naturally,
angering the Mongols. However, Mamai chose to fight again and organized a
contingent of 150,000 men; Dmitrii matched this number and their two
armies met near the River Don at Kulikovo Pole (Kulikovo Field) in early
September of 1380 (Dmytryshyn, 140). Dmitrii’s army, though suffering
losses of some 100,000 men, defeated Mamai; Tokhtamysh, one of
Tamerlane’s generals, soon captured and executed the general. Prince
Dmitrii became known as Dmitrii Donskoi (of the Don). However, Moscow was soon sacked by Tokhtamysh, and once again had to pay tribute to the Mongols.
Yet the great battle of Kulikovo Pole in
1380 was a symbolic turning point. Even though Moscow suffered
retribution for attacking Mongol armies, the power that Moscow welded
would continue to grow and its influence over other Russian
principalities would continue to expand. Novgorod finally succumbed to
future capital in 1478, and Moscow soon shed any allegiance to the
Mongol and Tatar overlords thus ending over 250 years of Mongol control.
Conclusion
As the evidence stands, the effects of
the Mongol invasion were many, spread across the political, social, and
religious facets of Russia. While some of those effects, such as the
growth of the Orthodox Church generally had a relatively positive effect
on the lands of the Rus, other results, such as the loss of the veche
system and centralization of power assisted in halting the spread of
traditional democracy and self-government for the various
principalities. From the influences on the language and the form of
government, the very impacts of the Mongol invasion are still evident
today. Perhaps given the chance to experience the Renaissance, as did
other western European cultures, the political, religious, and social
thought of Russia would greatly differ from that of the reality of
today. The Russians, through the control of the Mongols who had adopted
many ideas of government and economics from the Mongols, became perhaps a
more Asiatic nation in terms of government, while the deep
Christian roots of the Russians established and helped maintain a link
with Europe. It was the Mongol invasion which, perhaps more than any
other historical event, helped to determine the course of development
that Russian culture, political geography, history, and national
identity would take.
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Edited by Ruslan - 17-Sep-2012 at 05:30