Albanian Tsamouria (�ameria � chameria)

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Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 12:12

Chams Issue, part of the Greek-Albania Affairs

The Albanians are divided into two groups, the Geghs of the north (who tend to be Muslim with a minority that is Catholic) and the Tosks of the south (who also are predominately Muslim, but include a substantial number of Orthodox as well). Additionally, the Geghs (who live in northern Albania and Kosovo) are less urbanized than the Tosks and, traditionally, have been more conservative. The 1913 declaration of Albanian independence was rather rhetorical since the country soon fell into anarchy, and during World War I (1914-18) Serb and Greek forces occupied its northern and southern parts.

The origins of the minority question in Greek-Albanian relations are directly linked with the drawing of the boundary between Albania and
Greece. Following the 1912-13 Balkan Wars, the Great Powers, the Balkan states, and the Ottoman Empire negotiated the final territorial gains that the Balkan states would get from the defeated Ottoman Empire. In these negotiations, Greece was offered a choice between territory in southern Albania and the Aegean Islands. The Greek government chose the Aegean Islands. Consequently, the international committee responsible for finalizing the boundary between

Greece and Albania did not satisfy Greek claims and included a contested region of the south into the Albanian state. Subsequently, the Greeks in the regions of Gyrogaster (Argyrokastro) and Korce (Korytsa) revolted and asked for Greek troops to intervene. To avoid a direct confrontation, the parties signed the Protocol of Corfu (1914), which granted autonomy to the Greek minority. By 1914, following the declaration of World War I and with encouragement by the Entente, Greek forces returned to the region and occupied it militarily. It was during this period that the Greek army conducted a survey of the region and published in 1919 a map of the southern part of Albania where the region is officially called �Northern Epirus.� Subsequently, the term was adopted into Greek discourse, in spite of the fact that the survey was (obviously) biased. In 1920, an international committee set out to redraw the new state's boundaries. The committee's final decision left a portion of the Greek population within Albanian territory and, likewise, a portion of the Albanian population within Greek territory. The former region became known as Northern Epirus, while the latter region, home to approximately 20,000 Albanians, became henceforth known as Chameria(Thesprotia in Greek).

The �minority question� was a concern for Theodoros Pangalos, whose coup d'�tat took place on 25 June 1925. Pangalos considered himself a friend of Albania, spoke Albanian, and was proud of his half-Albanian origin. Under his regime, the two states moved decisively to normalize relations in a whole range of topics, from commercial relations to citizenship laws. Indeed, the two countries agreed on mutually accepted guidelines and regulations whose goal was to sort out who was Albanian and who was Greek. This was a vexing question because there was no clear-cut way of differentiating between the two. The two states established mutually accepted rules according to which people had to make a choice within a certain period with regard to their preferred citizenship.

Albanian-Greek relations took a negative turn in 1927, when the administration of the Greek Ministry of Agriculture realized the consequences of the original agreement regarding the compensation of land originally owned by Albanian landlords that had been expropriated by the Greek state. These Albanian land properties were estimated to be around one million stremmas (1 stremma = 0.10 hectares). The amount of money required for compensation was deemed exuberant and, consequently, the initial Greek-Albanian agreement was never ratified by the parliament (Mihalopoulos, 1987:66-71).

The resulting impasse led to a new round of Albanian complaints in 1928. The complaints raised two issues: the land question and the treatment of the Chams. With regard to the Chams, the Albanian government complained that the Greek government was persecuting the minority.

There was little evidence of direct state persecution, but the Albanians insisted that the Greek state open minority schools for the Chams, which the Greek side firmly opposed. Also, the Albanian government complained that the Chams' property was expropriated and given to Greek refugees from Anatolia. The Greek government replied that this was done in consultation with the local religious authorities of the Albanian community, and it concerned solely the necessity to find temporary accommodation for the refugees (Mihalopoulos, 1987:95-97). Over time the list of complaints was extended to the Chams' effective denial of their right to get elected in local elections. The reports of a League of Nations committee and the reply by the Greek government reveal that part of the bone of contention concerned the change in the status of the local Albanian landlords. In Ottoman times, the overlords received revenues from neighboring villages. But the peasants refused to pay tribute after their land was occupied by the Greek state and in this case they �expropriated� what the Albanian overlords considered to be their property (Mihalopoulos, 1987:108-9). In June 1928, the League of Nations turned down the Albanian petition against Greece. The compensation for land properties had not been paid until 1933; and when it was paid it fell short of Albanian expectations. As a result of these Greek-Albanian confrontations, the Chams were viewed with suspicion by the Greek state authorities.

The Italian attack onGreece in 1940 took place through Albanian territory; this led toGreece declaring war on Albania. The formal state of war existed until the late 1980s. When Greece entered into war against Italy in October 1940, the Greek authorities disarmed 1,800 Champ conscripts and put them to work on local roads, while the next month they deported all remaining Albanian males to camps or to island exile (Mazower, 2000:25). In 1941, in the aftermath of the German occupation ofGreece , the Albanian government at the time submitted a report to the Italian government where it spelled out the Albanian demands on Greece. These included territorial demands on the Greek province of Epirus, which was deemed by the Albanians to be populated by a majority of Albanians.

During World War II, the Italians who occupied Albania in the post-1939 period organized the creation of a Greater Albania in an effort to attract Albanian support for their occupation (Fischer, 1999:61-88). Indeed, the Albanian government asked for the �unification� of Chameria, Kosovo, and western Macedonia into a single Albanian state (Mihalopoulos, 1987:161-62). This instance is among the few open declarations of Albanian irredentism in the twentieth century. During the occupation of Yugoslavia by the Axis powers, the Italian government arranged to have Kosovo united with Albania (Malcolm, 1998:291). On this occasion, Albanian schools were opened in Kosovo for the first time since the 1910s (Logoreci, 1977:69-70). When Italy surrendered to the Allies, the Germans took over from the Italians and followed a similar policy of fostering Albanian independence and nationalism in Kosovo. They set up a second League of Prizren, named after the first League of Prizren (1878), the first Albanian nationalist organization. They also armed close to 15,000 Kosovo Albanians (Malcolm, 1998:305).

During the occupation of Greece by the Axis powers, the Albanian minority in Chameria campaigned for the annexation of the region into the Albanian state and enrolled in armed units sponsored by the Italians. Additionally, several hundred Chams enrolled in the anti-communist and nationalist movement Balli Kombetar (to be discussed later on in this chapter). From 1943 the armed Chams joined the German forces in burning Greek villages (Mazower, 2000:25; Antonopoulos, 1999:102-3). With the withdrawal of the German forces in 1944, the Greek right-wing guerrilla forces of the National Republican Greek League (Ethnikos Dimorkatikos Ellinikos Syndesmos), commanded by Napoleon Zervas, made an offer to the Chams to join them against the communist guerrilla forces of ELAS. When the Chams turned down this offer, Zervas ordered a general attack against the Chams, an action supported by the peasants whose villages had been burned down by the Chams and who were all too eager to extract revenge. Many of the Chams' villages were burned and most of the Chams (around 18,000) fled to Albania.

During World War II, three military guerrilla movements developed in Albania. The first was organized by the pro-royalist forces of Abas Kupi, a former officer of the germanderie under the reign of King Zogu. Its power base was in the northern part of the country. The second movement was the Balli Kombetar (National Front), under the leadership of distinguished writer, diplomat, and scholar Midhat Frasheri. This was a republican movement and it supported a program of social, political, and agrarian reforms. Frasheri, its leader, was the son of Abdul Frasheri, one of the three legendary Frasheri brothers who were the protagonists of the post-1878 Albanian national movement. The organization's program included the unification of all Albanian areas; this coincided with the Italian-sponsored Greater Albania.5 The third movement was the communist guerrilla movement that developed in close association with the Yugoslav Communist Party. Eventually, civil war broke out, and in the course of the 1943-44 period, the communists were successful in eradicating all resistance by the other two movements (Logoreci, 1977:72-80; for details, see Fischer, 1999).

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olvios

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Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 12:12

After World War II, Albanian communist leader Enver Hoxha was angered by Greek claims that Albania should be placed on the side of the Axis allies. Both sides sought retribution from each other. Because neither side would cede, the formal state of war between the two states remained in effect for several decades. With the end of World War II, the right-wing Greek government felt that Greece was entitled to Northern Epirus as compensation for Greece's participation in World War II on the side of the Allies.

The Greek government also invited British troops to enter the country and help the government deal with the Greek communists, who, in the aftermath of the German withdrawal from Greece, held control over large parts of the state.

The Albanian communists were afraid that the British troops that had landed in Greece in 1944 could invade Albania proper (Logoreci, 1977:90). More important, members of the Greek minority even took up arms in an effort to promote their cause to the Allies. Hoxha, on the other hand, did not hesitate to support the Greek communists in the Greek Civil War (Xhudo, 1995:117-20).

In the context of the emerging Cold War, the Greek claims vis-�-vis southern Albania (or Northern Epirus) received a favorable ear by the United States, and commissions were set up to inquire into the Greek claims. The end result was Hoxha's policy of isolation from the West, which persisted for several decades.

Greek-Albanian relations improved only after Hoxha's death in 1985 and the collapse of communism in Albania during the 1990s. The two events that have shaped Greek-Albanian relations in the 1990s are the immigration wave of Albanians into Greece and the revitalization of the Greek minority organizations and their entrance into Albanian post-communist political life. The Albanian immigration wave was a reflection of the poor economic conditions in the country. Between 1989 and 1992 Albania's GNP fell by more than 50%, while industrial production declined by 60% and agricultural production by 30% (statistics reported by Biberaj, 1998:188). By mid-1991 Albania had a budget deficit of approximately U.S. $580 million, a balance of payments deficit of U.S. $400 million and a foreign exchange deficit of U.S. $170 million (Xhudo, 1995:125). These poor economic conditions led to a mass immigration wave directed mainly toward Greece (and to lesser extent, Italy). The Greek response to this immigration wave was belated, and it took several years for the Greek authorities to develop a coherent administrative plan to register the immigrants. Initially, the Greek state's reaction was shaped by attempts to provide a preferential treatment for the Greek minority. When in December 1990 the first wave of immigration began, the Greek consulates initiated a policy of providing visas to members of the Greek minority with Orthodox Albanians next and Muslim Albanians last (Vihou et al., 1995:70). The result of this policy was that the overwhelming majority of the labor force from the ranks of the Greek minority ended up in Greece.

Subsequently, the numerical strength of the minority�in terms of the persons actually residing in southern Albania�declined significantly in the 1990s. The main issue that has preoccupied Greek research on the minority concerns the minority's lack of adequate education in communist Albania, as well as the biases in the textbooks used in minority education.

The political mobilization of the Greek minority was made possible only with the collapse of the communist regime in the 1990s. Although Greece and Albania resumed diplomatic relations in 1971, the state of war between the two countries was formally maintained until 1987 (Veremis, 1995a: 35). During the communist regime's rule, the Greek minority was isolated and subjected to harsh repression by the authorities, especially with respect to religious practices. By the mid-1980s the regime's attitude had softened and there was the possibility of relatives visiting their compatriots on the other side of the border. But before discussing the minority issue in the 1990s, it is necessary to provide a brief overview of the Albanian political institutions in the 1990s.

The democratization of Albanian society produced two main rivals, the former communist People of Labor Party (PLA or Socialist Party) and the Democratic Party of Albania (DPA) led by Sali Berisha. Although the PLA won the first free elections in 1991, the persistent criticism of the opposition eventually led to the DPA winning the 1992 elections with a record 66.7% of the vote. It is important to highlight the degree to which the two parties relied on the preexisting ethnic or tribal loyalties�the Socialists gaining support by the Tosks; the Democrats gaining the support of the Geghs, who had been marginalized and persecuted by the communist regime (Blumi, 1997).

The Berisha government (1992-97), however, suffered from a number of growing pains typical of post-communist Eastern European regimes. Throughout the 1990s, unemployment remained around 15% of the active labor population. Moreover, favoritism, fear of outsiders, persecution of the opposition, a tendency to use the government for the party's benefit, and willingness to flirt with extreme nationalism all characterized the regime, which, in this respect, resembled more the post-1989 Russian version of �democracy� than Western democracies. Berisha expelled members of the opposition from the parliament, purged moderate members of his party, and even tried to discredit the PLA by refusing to distribute international food aid in the towns with mayors from the PLA. State security harassed members of the opposition, and PLA members (like Fatos Nano, who later became prime minster) were jailed (Biberaj, 1998:158-61).

The Berisha government instituted privatization policies sponsored by the IMF and World Bank�but whatever economic improvement the people experienced in the 1990s was largely the result of remittances sent back home by the immigrant workers dispersed in Greece, Italy, Germany, and a few other countries. By 1995, the remittances from Albanian immigrants alone accounted for 25% of Albania's GNP. The post-1995 normalization of the status of Greece's illegal Albanian immigrants is likely to help the preservation of this important financial source. The so-called liberalization of the economy led to a variety of economic schemes ranging from money laundering to pyramid-deposit schemes. From 1991 on, approximately twenty �banks� were set up in Albania and were able to attract the investment of numerous Albanians with promises of huge returns (30% to 40%). The socalled investment schemes absorbed close to 1.2 billion U.S. $ or around 50% of the country's GNP (Antonopoulos, 1999:230). In early 1996 new pyramid schemes (Xhaferi and Poppulli) offered 15% to 100% interest to prospective investors for a three-month deposit in such pyramid schemes.

This enticed people to invest and soon the total number of investors reached two million (out of a population of close to 3.5 million). Some of the people involved in these schemes maintained close ties to the DPA, while it is also rumored that the Al-Qaeda also participated in the schemes. The pyramid schemes collapsed in the first half of 1997, triggering widespread riots throughout the country (Emadi, 2000). The country soon plunged into anarchy, and the riots led to close to 2,000 deaths. In the end, the people rose up, took to the streets, and looted the army depots, with thousands of guns ending up in the hands of citizens. Eventually, the Berisha government lost the next elections (1997), and, despite vocal protests, Berisha agreed to assume the post of the opposition leader and step down. Many of the weapons (Kalashnikov automatic guns, grenades, and other small weapons) that people seized during this turbulent period eventually ended up in Kosovo and FYROM.
Following the collapse of the communist regime, the Greek minority was organized in the Omonia (Harmony) party and attempted to compete in the first free elections. The party's organization was the result of mobilization among the minority's intelligentsia with little or no contact with the �migr� associations on the other side of the border or any ties to the Greek government. The Ministry of Justice attempted to restrict parties that organized themselves according to an �ethnic� basis (Vihou et al., 1995:63-70), but Omonia was successful in electing five deputies to the new Albanian Parliament. Following this electoral success a law was passed barring the formation of parties based on ethnicity. Soon afterwards, however, the more nationalistic-oriented individuals of the minority, assisted by Greek �migr� organizations, set up the Movement of Human Rights. This party was formulated on an explicitly non-ethnic basis, thereby making it eligible to participate in the 1992 nationwide elections. Despite some problems, the party was able to participate in that year's elections, and its performance registered the dispersion of the Greek minority throughout Albania (including those regions not recognized as �minority zones� by the Albanian government).

In addition to the issue of the Greek minority's political participation, Greek-Albanian relations in the 1990s were also influenced by the post-communist reorganization of the Albanian Orthodox Church. The church suffered extensively during the communist regime, and in the course of the official persecution of its personnel many priests and bishops died (including Archbishop Chistophoros in 1958). The 1950 Church Constitution was abolished with the 4,337 decree dated 13 November 1967 (Georgoulis, 1995:154-55). This abolition was reiterated and strengthened during the 5th Congress of the Albanian Communist Party and officially sanctioned with the 1976 constitution that declared Albania to be an atheist state. Therefore, following the collapse of the communist regime, the Orthodox Church had to begin rebuilding its institutional structure from ground zero. In the 1990-92 period, because of lack of an approved constitution, the church operated solely on the basis of its canons. On 24 July 1992 the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople (Istanbul) elected Anastasios�a Greek citizen�as the new head of the Albanian Church and ordered that no other church organization (including the U.S.-based Albanian Orthodox Church) had jurisdiction on Albanian soil (Georgoulis, 1995:155). The church reorganization triggered protests by the U.S.-based Albanian Orthodox Church, which lost the opportunity to extend its influence into the home country.

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olvios

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Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 12:13

On 25 June 1993, the Albanian authorities deported Archimandrite Chrysostomos Maidonis, a Greek clergyman working with the Orthodox archbishop, to Greece on grounds of his alleged �nationalist propaganda� against the Albanian state. President Berisha also declared that only Albanian nationals should occupy posts with the Albanian Orthodox Church, thereby raising the possibility that the archbishop himself (who is a Greek citizen) might be deported as well. In this context, it is important to note that the boundaries differentiating Orthodox Albanians from Greeks are unclear. Many members of the Greek minority have only an elementary knowledge of Greek and look to the Orthodox Church as the basic cultural marker for their own cultural differentiation from the rest of the population. Hence, an emphasis on the �Greek� character of the Albanian Orthodox Church can be seen as an attempt to �acculturate� members of the Albanian Orthodox community into Hellenism. The deportation was accompanied by protests by the Greek minority and clashes between the Albanian police and the demonstrators (Antonopoulos, 1999:129). The minority rallied behind the archbishop, whereas the Albanian authorities treated the situation as a nationalist provocation. On the other side of the border, the Greek authorities were quick to react.

In the days following the Archmandrite's deportation, some 5,000 Albanians were deported to Albania. Given the inadequate control of the border, there was little doubt that most of them would be back within a few days, but the purpose of these actions was to �remind� Albania of its financial dependence on the income coming from Albanian workers in Greece. In an interview in the Greek journal Economic Review (19 August 1993), Greek Premier Costantinos Mitsotakis made clear that Albania could not afford to react to the deportations of Albanians from Greece since its weak economy made the state dependent upon the remittance of Albanians from Greece. In the aftermath of this affair, Mitsotakis declared that the status of the Greek minority in southern Albania (or Northern Epirus) should be equated with that of the Albanian population in Kosovo, and if autonomy was given to them, then the same should apply to the Greeks in Albania. The post-1993 socialist governments abandoned this approach, and relations between the two states have improved.

However, another round of political confrontation was initiated on 10 April 1994, when an Albanian military post near the Greek border was attacked and unidentified armed men killed two soldiers. The Albanians blamed the attack on the extremist �Northern Epirus Liberation Front� (Metopo Apeleutheroseos Voreiou Ipirou, or MAVI) and argued that the Front had received assistance by minority members and the Greek Special Forces. The Albanians' suspicions were confirmed when, in 1995, Greek authorities discovered and successfully prosecuted the members of MAVI (Antonopoulos, 1999:159). However, the Albanian president, Berisha, did not hesitate to accuse Greece of �state terrorism� and to suggest a parallel between Athens and Belgrade in terms of their regional policy (quoted in Biberaj, 1998:243). Berisha's charges that Greece had �expansionist goals� led to the Albanian police investigating and eventually arresting five members of the Greek community, who were accused of having assisted in the attack. The Albanian authorities charged these five former members of the Omonia group with plotting an armed insurrection against the Albanian government. All of them were found guilty in a kangaroo trial that caused protests by international associations (Papoudakis, 1996). Within months of their imprisonment, however, economic and diplomatic pressure from Greece led to their release.

As this brief overview suggests, Greek-Albanian relations remained precarious throughout the 1990s. Minor incidents or police matters frequently led to political confrontations between the two sides. However, it is important to highlight the extent to which the Greek and Albanian economies have grown interdependent, and eventually this factor prevents the recurrent disputes from becoming major obstacles in interstate relations. For example, Greek exports to Albania increased from $12.2 million in 1991 to $221 million in 1994 (Giannaris, 1996:58). Moreover, the Greek state instituted in 1997 a green card program that allowed the majority of illegal immigrants to register, thereby making it possible for them to stay in the country legally and work without fear of prosecution. According to the latest reports of the Greek Unemployment Agency (OAED), the total number of people who registered with the green card program is close to 800,000, and authorities estimate that close to 75% of them are Albanian immigrants (reported in the newspaper Ethnos, 16 August 2001).

In the long run, economics has solved the Greek minority issue in southern Albania. Given the large difference in the standards of living between the two countries, it is unlikely that most of the Greek minority who immigrated into Greeece in the 1990s will be moving back to their original homes in the near future. On the contrary, it is far more likely that both ethnic Albanian immigrants as well as minority immigrants will choose to remain in Greece. In this respect, the relations between the two states are greatly influenced by the discrimination against the Albanian immigrants by Greeks and the subsequent resentment Albanians feel against Greeks. The unstable geopolitical situation of the 1990s (involving Kosovo and FYROM) further complicated matters. Still, the successful incorporation and inclusion of the Albanian immigrants by Greece should aid significantly in the development of better relations between Athens and Tirana. Currently, this is perhaps the most important challenge facing the two countries.

The extent to which the state and the broader Greek society succeed in dealing with this challenge will determine the long-term relations between Athens and Tirana, as well as the economic development of the two countries. In 2000 and 2001, Greek conservative critics have campaigned against various forms of Albanian incorporation into Greek society�and it is important that the Greek state stays the course with regard to its policy of inclusion. For example, Albanian students have enrolled in Greek schools, and some of them have received honors, thereby becoming eligible for participating in the school parades during the Greek national holidays and carrying the Greek flag. Conservative Greek critics consider such activities to be inappropriate, thereby provoking a fierce debate on the Albanian immigrants' future incorporation into twenty-first century Greek society.

source :
Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict by by Victor Roudometof; Praeger, 2002

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olvios

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Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 12:19

There is no "Genocide" LOL

.The Albanians should actually compensate Epirots & the rest of the Greeks for their hardships.The issue is used by Albania (to noeffect at all) to fuel your internal consumption type nationalism.

Whats next?SS waffen families demanding compensation from the US army?

Edited by olvios - 24-Jun-2007 at 12:23

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KristieK

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Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 12:47

SPECIAL FILES

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN GREECE

"Ethnic cleansing," implementations that became a state policy targeting minorities living in Greece, is the indicator of Greek racism. On the other hand, it implements such anti-democratic practices which are not in harmony with the human rights, to immigrants in the country.

Greece is an EU member country. In this light, it has an important mission to protect the basic rights and freedoms of minorities. But Greece drew both national and international reactions in different times due to its failure to fulfill this mission.

- Professor Costas Zoras made the following interesting statement after some 150 Albanians were forced to leave their village upon a decision of Lesvos' Loutra Village's local council;

"I would like to underline the following as a part of my democratic and scientific duty after 150 Albanians were dismissed with violence threats from the Loutra village of Lesvos:

1. Mass deportation of immigrants having a full legal status as they are in a EU member country is an event that cannot be accepted.

Discrimination or in an other words protecting the personal security of foreigners, minorities, immigrants forms the basis of ongoing discussion about human rights issues in the institutions affiliated to the EU such as the European Parliament.

2. Prime minister and public order minister should personally focus on events that took place in Loutra village of Lesvos. After open threats targeting immigrants, they should give command to police to protect these people. The ultimatum of contemporary fascism in Europe should have been rejected. President Kennedy used federal army's force to urge Alabama university to allow the first black student to enroll in the university. This was what a real modern and democrat politician should do.

3. Court's decisions can become the subject of any scientific or social criticism. This is the success of the European Culture. This right also forms the basis of accepting our legal administration valid in democratic terms. But judges should also be independent about the feelings of right and justice of the society. Any social power willing to dictate judges can be as dangerous as economic and political benefit groups.

- Athens News Weekly Newspaper in its June 21-27 issue shortly said the following in its news report entitled, "Europe presses Greece on human rights issues and shortcomings":

European Mediterranean Human Rights Organization (EMRHN) in its two-page letter to Greek officials on June 15 said that human rights violations targeting immigrants living in Greece or those who are under detention until their deportation, took place in the country. It reported that the mentioned letter was signed by 45 nongovernmental organizations including the Greek Helsinki Monitor, the Amnesty International and the International Organization for Preventing Torture.

The letter was also published in the United States and it was said that after a report that found Greek insufficient in preventing human traffic, it was an important negative mark for Greece's human rights record.

A representative office affiliated to the European Parliament which is shortly named as "EBLUL," was opened in the second week of November, 2002 in Salonica.

The main office of EBLUL which was carrying out studies on limited usage of European minority languages," is located in the capital city of Belgium, Brussels. The local office in Salonica focuses on education in mother-tongue in Greece.

According to the EBLUL, Greek government has no information about the number of those who speak in languages of minorities. Only official information about it belongs to 1951.

EBLUL staged its first congress in Salonica in order to reveal the poor situation of neglected languages in Greece.

EBLUL Chairman Bojan Brezigar said, "Frankly, Greece failed to reach the level of its European partners on recognizing the variety of languages spoken in the country. For example, the situation of Macedonian minority is serious. The situation is worse than it is predicted. In some regions where this language is spoken, this language is strictly banned. In a region where I had the chance to visit, singing songs in Macedonian languages was banned, too."

- The European Parliament stated that some EU member countries have involved in violations against immigrants and minorities in their countries and Greece and the Great Britain are coming first among these countries.

EP's annual report on basic rights in the EU said that prison conditions in some member countries are against humanity and in some torture is also reported.

The EP report stated that the EU prisons are overcrowded, prison buildings are old. It underlined the lack of sufficient health services as well as limited medical treatment of inmates. The report strongly criticized especially two member countries for bad treatment and torture. It emphasizes that minorities and immigrants are under a high risk in Greece and Britain.

- Eleftherotipia newspaper on February 7, 2001 in its news report entitled, "sentenced for distributing brochures," reported that Sotiris BLETSAS, a member of Culture Community (Eteria Arumaniku Vlahiku Politismu) was sentenced on charges of distributing semiofficial brochures on less developed European languages (Imiepisimo Evropaiko Grafio Ligotero Diadedomenon Glosson). Newspaper stated that it was a violation of freedom of speech in the light of Helsinki agreements.

Sotiris Bletsas on February 2, 2001 was sentenced to pay 500,000 Drachmas and to 15 months of imprisonment after YDP deputy Evgenios Hitidis filed a complaint against him. In the court, the witnesses claimed that they believe that mentioning Arumonic as a language spoken by minorities were aiming at making propaganda for the benefit of Wallachianss. Brochure said that Arumonic, Albanian and Turkish are among languages spoken by minorities in Greece.

It was asked from Greece to leave its discriminative approach towards minorities living in the country, to accept that there the presence of minorities in the country, to approve European Constitution on regional or minorities languages and to approve frame agreement of the agreement it signed in 1997 which is about protecting national minorities.

Same newspaper on the same issue on February 27, 2001 published a news report entitled, "International amnesty for brochure on languages spoken by minorities." According to the newspaper, Amnesty International [Greek Delegation] sent a letter to Justice Minister Mihalis Statthopulos asking the revision of decision about Sotiris Bletsas and asked the court to drop the charges against Bletsas.

Amnesty International's Greek Delegation also demanded the amendment or cancellation of article 191 of the Penal Code, allowing court to drop the charges against Bletsas.

These examples reveal that Greece keep the world agenda busy with its infamous implementations against minorities and immigrants, it seems that the country will maintain its position in the future.

Considering current implementations of Greece against ethnic minorities living in the country, it is not a baseless prediction to repeat this claim.

Greece claims that Turks living in Western Thrace, Greek Muslims and Macedonians are Slavs migrated to Northern Greece. Wallachianss and Albanians have freedoms and rights as they are considered as minorities in legal papers but even these two minorities are having hardships while living in the country.

Western Thrace Turks are not the sole minority whose rights are under the guarantee of international agreements.

All the minorities in Greece have the right to speak in mother-tongue and pray according to their own beliefs in line with the Sevres Agreement signed in 1920. But administrations in Greece took back all these rights in time by using force.

Policy that aims at implementing assimilation on minorities in Greece only created problems. As pressures on minorities increase, these people coming from different origins depart from Greece.

Within this framework, it is necessary to review different ethnical groups living in Greece.

Greece has been neglecting the presence of Turks in Western Thrace since 1950s and these people who are true Turks are introduced to World as "Greek Muslims." As a part of this policy, Greek courts banned organizations such as, Turkish Teachers Union and Iskece (Xanthi) Turks Union to use the word "Turk" and in 1991 top court approved the closure of associations using "Turk" in their names based on its decision numbered 1929/1987. In 1999, conflict between Greeks and Turks living in Western Thrace reached a peak, and those who claim that they are Turks were jailed, lost their jobs and wealth and stripped from Greek citizenship due to various different reasons.

Majority of those who were stripped from their Greek citizenships were travelling outside Greece in order to visit their families living in other countries or for touristic purposes. EU member Greece also stripped the Greek citizenship of Turks who were in Europe for working and it also informed these countries to extradite these Turks. Although, Greek officials do not want to give information about how many Turks were stripped from the citizenship, it is predicted that this figure exceeds 2,500.

After Greek Administration gaol to assimilate Turks living in Western Thrace, it invented a brand-new tactic, to divide and rule. First, it tried to create an artificial "Gypsy Culture" under the name of "Pomac," and has been carrying out activities inorder to divide Turkish into two poles. It does not hesitate to use EU funds for these activities.

Western Thrace Turks have the right to elect their Mufti according to the Lousanne treaty. Until the end of 1990, Turkish community has elected their Mufti but later this implementation was cancelled without a rational reason. Greek administrators have appointed Muftis who were not approved by the minorities to control the elected Muftis of Iskece and Komotini.

According to the official records, 84 percent of the lands located in Western Thrace were belonging to Turks when the Lousanne Treaty was signed. As a result of Greek policies, lands owned by Turks dropped to 25 percent. Administration seized the valuable lands that belonged to Turks for ages claiming that they would construct university, prison or military facilities.

Greek administration took over administration and monitor right of minorities over the funds but it also looted the assets of the funds. For example, a war museum was constructed on 21 acres of land which was cemetery in Komotini.

Greeks that didn�t give permission to the repairment of Mosques, treated unrespectfully to the cemeteries belonging to Turks.

Another important issue of the assimilation policy targeting Western Thrace Turks is the "Education." 40th article of Lousanne Treaty gives Muslim Turkish minority to establish their own education institutions unless they paid their own expenses. Meanwhile, article 40 stipulates the Greek government to open schools for Turkish children in the places the majority is formed by Muslims. But Greece with two laws it passed in 1976 and 1977 took the control of Turkish schools. Government appointed teachers who were educated according to its own policy and who were the graduates of Salonica Pedagogy Academy and it refused to appoint teachers who are of Turkish origin.

Despite Greece�s intention to demolish them by not giving the rights that were under the guarentee of international agreements, Western Thrace Turks adamantly continue their survival.

Apart from these, Greece carries out a merciless assimilation policy targeting Macedonian minority by taking court decisions and legislations. It banned the language and alphabet of Macedonians.

Macedonians were the victims of Greek government�s adamant and conscious assimiliation policy. Greek government has used all of the tools and opportunities such as military, church, media, culture, associations etc. for the success of its Helenism goal. It urged people to take Greek names and surnames. A specially designed law which became official after it was published in Greek Official Gazette, changed the Macedonian names of cities, villages, mountains and lakes etc. and tried to neglect all Macedonian elements existing in Greece.

Forces supporting King during the civil war in Greece between 1946-1949, declared Macedonians living in Greece as communist rebels and staged a cruel genocide against them. However, these same Macedonians were the ones who fought bravely against Nazis during the German invasion. During the civil war, some 16,000 people died, 440 women were raped,120 people were tortured in concentration camps, hundreds of people had lost their minds as they could not tolerate these infamous acts, 1,231 houses were burned, 80 villages were looted and thousands of people were forced to leave their homes. In the aftermath of these events, Macedonians launched an armed and organized resistence group against chauvinist implementations of Greek administration in order to protect themselves from a genocide.

Greek forces supporting King continued killing Macedonians by the arial support of the U.S and British forces. As a result, 30,000 Macedonian including 28,000 children had to escape to socialist Eastern Europe countries such as Albania, Bulgaria, East Germany, Yugoslavia, Poland, Soviet Union and Hungary. It was banned for Macedonians who were abroad to return to country.

An U.S. State Department prepared a report in 1998 about minorities in Greece. It said:

"Macedonian minority is not still recognized by the Greek government, as a result various discriminations and abuses took place. These violations include limitations on cultural activiites, violations in the freedom of forming associations, harasment of "Rainbow" political party, preventing ethnic Macedonians and former Greek citizens living abroad from entering the country and abuse of citizenship rights.

On June 24, 1996, European Human Rights Commission ruled that complaint filed by the Macedonian Culture House Association�s founders against Greece was right. These people were aiming at arguing the decision of the Greek courts which had been rejecting to register the establishment of their association in every level. It was the first time when a case about discrimination against Macedonian minority living in Grrece was agreed to be seen in the European Court. Greek government claimed that there was no such a minority in Greece and attempt to refute the argument of Macedonians.

Just like Western Thrace Turks, Macedonian minority living in Greece is carrying out an adamant fight against assimilation policy.

It is not new for Greece to deny the presence of Macedonian presence in the country. Throughout history, Greek government denied Macedonia as well as Macedonians and tried to eliminate them by carrying out assimilation policy.

Greek administrators had produced policies aiming at demolishing the indicators regarding to Macedonian nationalism, public spirit and cultural values. The policies include obligatory deportations, so-called volunteer immigration, colonization, social and economic discrimination, stripping from Greek citizenship, total control of political and intellectual life.

Another minority living in vain in Greece and which is under the threat of extinction is Albanians. Greece is pressing on Albanians just like it did againt Western Thrace Turks, Macedonians, Wallachianss as a part of its assimiliation policy. All the Greeks introducing themselves as the "New Greeks" and sitting on the heritage of ancient Greece with the intention of receiving the sympathy and appreciation of world, are the blend of Macedonian, Albanian, Uiah and Anatolian origins.

Pundits of Greece made up of people from different origins, currently, focus on investigating their roots in an attempt to learn the source of "Greek reality." This attempt annoys Greek church and flagwaver circles and especially state officials and urge them to increase pressure on pundits.

Albanian minority living in Greece is formed by Orthodox Arvanites living in the regions of Attiki, Mora, Korinthos, Viotia, Fokiada, Hidra, Spe�es and Psara as well as by Muslim Tsamourian that lived in Yanya and environs located in the west of the country.

Orthodox Arvanites of Albanian origin were the target of an overall assimilation policy of Greek administrations. Their mother-tongue was banned strictly and names of the places were changed into Greek names.

The situation of Albanians living in Tsamouria got worse in 1936 when Ioannis Metaxas government came to power and people were forced to move to other regions in an effort to change the demographic structure. Names of the places were changed into Greek names, detentions, exiles, extraditions and other oppression policies followed each other.

Genocide aiming at ethnic cleansing against Albanians living in Tsamouria began on June 27, 1944. EDES gangs under the rule of General Napolyon ZERVAS killed 2,900 elders and young males, 214 women, 96 children and raped 745 women. 76 women were kidnapped and 32 children were put to the sword and 5,800 homes and holy places were put on a fire.

It is predicted that more than 130,000 Albanians escaped to other countries as a result of Greek pressure. These people have founded "Tsamouria Association," in order to get back their assests which were seized by Greece. This association was declared as a member to the people�s associations which are not represented in the United Nations in January 1995.

An Wallachians minority is living in Greece at the border of Bulgaria and North Macedonia. A part of this minority speaks "Megleno-Romanian" and another part of its speaks "Aremonian." It is predicted that there are 250-300 Wallachianss living in Greece but none of them were mentioned at the population census.

In the Middle Age, Wallachianss have formed their own states in Tesalya and South Macedonian and in the 11th and 12th centuries they founded other states in Etolya-Akarnanya and South Epirus. They also contribute to the establishment of an administration formed the basis of "Second Bulgarian Kingdom" and "Wallachians and Bulgarian Kingdom." This state, later, became a part of "Great Wallachia." In the 14th century, the Kingdom was collapsed causing a damage of its independence. After that, Wallachianss lived under the Ottoman Empire rule as a part of Orthodox community dominated by Greeks for some four centuries.

In the 19th century, Wallachianss declared rebellion against Turks and supported Greeks during their rebellion between 1821-1828. In 1881 overwhelmingly Wallachians Thesalya was annexed by Greece.

At the beginning of 20th century, Ottomans recognized Wallachianss as a separate community and allowed them to form their own churches.

Wallachianss found Greeks acting as an enemy. Greek gangs in Macedonia and Epirus attacked against Wallachianss, burned their schools, killed people and Wallachianss seeking for a cultural identity was ended by an armed fight.

After the Balkan Wars, Wallachianss started to live in four different states. Some were living in Albania while others were living in Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria.

In Albania, Wallachianss efforts to form a state failed, Greece recognized them as a minority. As a result of Bucharest Treaty signed between Romania and Greece, special schools for Wallachianss were opened by the support of Romania and they remained open until the end of the World War II. After communist regime was declared in Romania, rights of the Wallachians minority were neglected and aids for the schools were cut. As a result of this and due to Greek government�s pressure, these schools were closed. These pressures were aiming at assimiliaton.

During Metaksas dictatorship between 1936-1941, pressures reached a peak. Those who resist to the assimilation migrated to Romania.

In the aftermath of the war, in line with the gradually increasing suspicions and pressures on this minority, assimilation spread intensively. Currently, this process is still on the run.

Presently, Greece has been showing interest to Greeks living abroad and elements that claimed that they are of Helen origin. On the other hand, it resists to recognize the ethnical elemenst living in the country and moreover, it tried to assimilate these groups in an effort to make them Helens. In this light, it is hard to make a comment about indifference of human rights advocates especially the EU about these violations.

"Liria i ka rr�nj�t n� gjak." - South Alb. Proverb
"Liberty has its roots in blood"

KristieK

Immortal Guard

Joined: 25-May-2007
Online Status: Offline
Posts: 0

Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 13:03

The Tsams: The true story

This is taken from:http://www.sfeva.gr/active.aspx?mode=en%7B63c7548c-a174-4e1a-b952-f8c94ed59a2d%7DView

Read this shamefull text designed by the greek minority of Albania and understand what kind of crime they are comiting by manipulating the facts of the Greek GENOCIDE!!!

They should be ashamed, what do you think?

THE �TSAMS�: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

THESPROTIA IN ANCIENT TIMES

According to the Ancient and Byzantine authors (Aristotle, Claudius Ptolemeos, Dionysius the Traveler, Strabo and Prokopius), Thesprotia as well as the rest of Epirus was the birthplace of Ancient Hellenism.

The Thesprotians were the most ancient tribe of the three most significant ones in Epirus � the other two being the Molossus towards the basin of Ioannina (Elopia) and Chaonians, on the north of Thyamis River up to Epidamnus (currently Dyrrhacchion) � and covered all the region of contemporary Thesprotia or even the greater area up to Amvrakikos Gulf.

They communicated with the rest classic Hellenism, since their territory constituted a very significant religious center (Dodoni, Nekromanteio, Acherousia, etc.). They also communicated northwards with the Greek Macedonians, while they also participated in the Pan-Hellenic Athletic Games, defense and other wars, as well as in the further widespread intellectual movement. They organized their own athletic games (such as Naia Games at Dodoni), as well as thespian contests (in Passaron and Dodoni theaters, etc). They also took part in various ways in the defense and other wars, such as the Trojan War, the Medic wars and in others as well.

This is why during the Roman era, due to their common struggles with the Macedonians against the Romans, they, as well, paid for Emilius Paulus�s wrath, being captivated and having their cities destructed, in such level that the relics of many destroyed cities could not even be traced or recognized.

However, they were reorganized during the First Christian and Byzantine era. Written texts and other monuments of Architecture, Painting etc, preserved as a whole or in relics, come as a proof to that.

During the period of the Turkish occupation, the Thesprotians did not give up, fighting in cruel liberating struggles, facing even severer dangers than the rest of the Greeks. They managed to survive and regain their liberty along with the rest of the Epirots in 1912 � 13.

THE APPELATIONS �TSAMOURIA� & �TSAMS�

Among the six and more theories for the historic and etymological origin of the names �Tsams� and �Tsamouria�, the most plausible is considered the one which relates to the word �Thyamis� (Kalamas), subjected to corruption throughout the years: Thyamis, Thyamis, Ts(i)amis, that is the inhabitant of the area near Thyamis River, the land of Thyamyria or Ts(i)amouria.

Around 1430 (the occupation of Ioannina by Turks) many Christians of that area were Islamized, resigning to various allures, either material goods or administrative power (the so-called Spahi), but mostly forced by the stifling pressure, mainly after the failure of the Movement lead by Bishop Dionysius Philosophus of Trikki (Trikala), disparagingly called by the enemies �Skylosophus�. (11-12.09.1611)

Of course, from time to time, Turkish-Albanian aga�s settlement in the area, because of the fertility of the land. All these formed the relative minority of the Muslim Tsams, against the majority of the Christian Tsams. At the same time, due to the neighboring and the transactions with the Albanians, the local linguistic idiom of Arvanites prevailed.

Ever since, the term �Tsams� was specialized to either �Christian Tsams� or �Muslim Tsams�, and through time, the simple term �Tsams� was referring exclusively to Muslim Tsams. These Muslims, along with a few Turks Aga and Bey that lived there, almost identified with their coreligionists conquerors, and this is why they were given the name �Turk Tsams�, and respectively their neighbors were named �Turk-Albanians�.

The ethno-martyr St. Kosmas Aetolos, who martyred in Kolikondasi of Northern Epirus on 24.08.1779, made many efforts to have this big current of Islamization ceased, along with others (Sofianos of Dryinoupolis 1672-1770, Nectarios Terpos from Moschopolis).

�TSAMS� AND HELLENISM

During the liberating struggles of the Epirots against the Conqueror, the Muslim Tsams evidently took the side of the Turks and Albanians. The multiple and insidious coalition of those Muslims with Ali Pasha during the struggle of Souli is widely known. When the First Balkan War broke out, they opposed to the liberation of Epirus by Greece, changing their attitude after the defeat of Turkey and the London Peace Treaty (17.05.1913), hypocritically declaring in their Memorandum (6.11.1913) to the �International Control Committee of the External Organization of Albania� that ��We shall fight together with our Christian brothers to the utmost in order to repel the Albanian slavery and preserve our freedom in the arms of mother Greece�!

However, right after the Lausanne Treaty (30.01.1923), and as general issues aroused, such as the population exchange with Turkey, as well as the expropriation of a part of large fortunes, in order for our refugees brothers who lived in the East (Asia Minor and Eastern Thrace) to be settled, they (the Muslim Tsams), under the pressure of external propagandas (Albanian and Italian), refused the exchange and the expropriations. At the end, they were unfortunately favored, by the contemporary dictator Pagkalos (1926), who was a great admirer of Mussolini, and moreover while, as the Italians suggested, they were considered as an Albanian tribe. Ever since then, whenever they had the opportunity, they caused problems to the peaceful Christian inhabitants of the area of Thesprotia.

1940 � 1950: THE YEARS OF TERROR

They were given the opportunity to show their vicious hatred against Greece by the proclamation of the Greek-Italian War. In the evening of 28 October 1940, they joined the Italian army organizing two Battalions of their own, and along with fifteen more Albanian Battalions consisting of 15.000 men, they entered Sagada and Filiates, as mercenary allies of the Italians. At the same time, others who were serving in the Greek army � as Greek citizens � acted as the �fifth phalanx�. After the lines had been broken down, the Italians handed over Thesprotia to the mercy of the Tsams.

In particular, in close collaboration with renowned Tsams, they planned the complete destruction of the Hellenic population of Paramythia, where they camped and broke down the Greek Authorities (3 May 1941). This way, they created mixed villages and gave the administrative role exclusively to Muslims. They founded the Albanian Fascist Young Fighters �Militsia�, and with a decree of the Italian government, the brothers Nouri and Nazar Dino from Paramythia, were appointed the former Resident Commissioner of Thesprotia (!), and the latter Colonel of �Militsia�. Later the same year, in July 1942, and always under the protection of the Italians, the Tsams formed the notorious terrorist organization K.S.I.L.I.A. (Albanian Political Administration System), which comprised 14 Battalions, with the main aim to exterminate the Greek population in the region of Thesprotia.

When the Germans entering Greece, the Tsams became part of the German Occupation Armed Forces and wore a distinctive brassard featuring the Nazi cross or even the regular German uniform.

Collaborating with the Germans, at that time, they spread fear and terrorism in the region, murdering, spoiling properties, double-crossing, raping, looting, invading and setting fire to houses and entire villages. From the long list of their criminal action, we mention the following:

a) On 19 February 1942, the Prefect of Thesprotia Georgios Vasilakos was murdered.

b) On 24 October 1942, priest Andreas Vassiliou (Papandreas) was executed in Kalteriza.

c) On 27 July 1943, after the failed attack against the village of St. Kyriaki (Popovo), 800 Tsams of �K.S.I.L.I.A.� lead by Dino brothers and in collaboration with the Occupation armed forces, invaded the villages of Phanari. 519 houses were looted and burned down, 800 people were killed (from which 231 were women who were first raped), and 500 people were arrested and sent to Ioannina as hostages. The cattle�s breeding was totally destroyed. Almost 243 villages were depopulated.

This situation climaxed with the massive execution of the 49 Dignitaries of Paramythia on 29 September 1943, who were first ordered to dig up their own tombs. Among the dead, we mention the priest Evaggelos Tsiamatos, the doctor El. Valaskakis, the School Principle Apost. Chrysohoou, the Mayor Ath. Riggas, the headmaster Kon. Siomopoulos, the Bank Director Em. Gkoutsaleris, as well as teachers, merchants, businessmen etc.

The official Reports of the destructions by the Tsams mention the following:

CRIME INDEX

Acted by �Albanian Political Administration System� (�K.S.I.L.I.A.�)

Murdered by Tsamis, either alone or in collaboration with the Occupation armed forces: 632

Disappeared and taken as hostages: 428

Rapes of women and girls: 209

Kidnaps: 31

Houses burnt down: 2.332

Entirely looted villages: 53

Plundered sheep and goats: 37.556

Oxen: 9.285

Horses: 4.148

Poultry (counting only a few villages): 30.000

Beehives: 742

And the reports continue: �The above mentioned fail to describe what really happened by the general mobilization of the Tsams� and �The whole Muslim population of Thesprotia, between 17 to 70 years of age, had been armed by the Italians, who provided them with military uniforms as well (�), while almost 2.400 Tsams had joined as volunteers the Albanian Fascist Army�.

Considering that they would eventually have to account for their actions to the Greek Justice, they abandoned the region on September 1944, after the second battle of Menina (Neraida) of Paramythia on 20 and 21 September 1944, following voluntarily the Germans on their withdrawal from Greece. Regarding this issue, the Greek Association�s Report mentions the following, quoted by the daily Press of 14.07.1949:� It is known that 16.000 � 17.000 Tsams voluntarily left Greece when the war was nearly over and they found shelter in Albania, fearing that they would have to account for the crimes they had committed in close cooperation with the Italian, Albanian and German armed forces��

Besides, there are irrefutable confessions even by the Muslim Tsams, reported duly, which prove the truth, such as the following statement of the Tsam Nuhti Latif from Trikorfa, Filiata:

�We Muslims had no complaint from the Greek Administration, and therefore I fail to comprehend why all Muslims, during the Occupation of the Axon Powers, were not only turned into instruments of Italy and Germany, but moreover they expressed their intention to completely vanish the Greek population from Thesprotia region, by murdering and committing criminal acts.�

But even from the new home country that the Tsams had chosen, didn�t stop their anti-Hellenic actions, by reinforcing the mob war with 5.700 men, between 17 � 40 years of age, as well as with repeated inflictions towards the Northern Epirots.

THE VERDICTS

The Special Jury for Traitors at Ioannina, legally and internationally recognized, issued more than 1.700 condemnatory verdicts against Tsams criminals until 1948. The most notable among those being the verdict No. 344/23-5-1945, thus tragically narrating their proven outrageous actions.

Other verdicts followed, such as No. 50862/47 by the Ministry of Defense, according to which the Tsams were to be deprived of their Greek Nationality, as well as one the one that decided the confiscation of their properties (Royal Decree 2185/1952 and Law 2781/54), and their disposal to the victims of their brutalities and to other landless people, according to the relevant international clauses.

Those who remained (232 people until 1949) lived undisturbed, enjoying all the rights of the Greek Citizenship.

As far as the condition of the population is concerned, the Muslims of �Tsamouria� by the time the Balkan Wars had broken out (1912-1913), numbered approximately 8.450 persons. According to the national inventory held in Greece on 17 March 1991, the Tsams who live in Greece nowadays reside in three regions of Thesprotia, and are 56 in number.

ON THE TSAMS� ISSUE

Compensation claims of Greece against Albania

An article by Honorary Lawyer Mr. Athanasios Lekkas (�)

�Voreioepirotiko Vima� newspaper � 1992

Mostly the Albanians aim at the granting of compensation for the Tsams� properties. However, being criminals of war, they have no right receive any kind of compensation. On the contrary, our country claims compensation from Albania.

On our country�s side, our demands from Albania are:

1) To compensate the families of the Greeks executed by the Tsams and Albanians, at the aforementioned regions of Epirus.

2) To compensate the owners of the destroyed houses at the aforementioned regions.

3) To compensate the Greek subjects who live in Albania, who suffered war damages, were deported or persecuted.

4) To return the amount of 218.000.000 drachmas that Greece paid to Albania during the German occupation, in 1942, for damages that were supposedly caused by the Greek Army. Greece was the defendant country, not the attacking one; thus Albania was illegally compensated.

5) To satisfy the claims of those Greeks, who were forced into hard labor by the Albanians.

6) To compensate Greece for the destruction of the temples and the looting of their possessions by the Albanians, during the Enver Hohza�s era.

7) To compensate for the destruction of the schools in Northern Epirus during the same period.

8) To compensate for all the destructions and damages that the Greeks of Northern Epirus suffered.

For all those reasons, the Albanians not only lack the right to relocate in Epirus and receive any kind of compensation for their fortune, but on the contrary our country has the right to demand claims from Albania.

"Liria i ka rr�nj�t n� gjak." - South Alb. Proverb
"Liberty has its roots in blood"

Yiannis

Sultan

Joined: 03-Aug-2004
Location: Neutral Zone
Online Status: Offline
Posts: 2329

Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 13:06

To Olvios and others:

Please, this is bordering ridicule. Stop replying to such posts which are intended only to provoke.

It's obvious that no meaningful discussion can ever occur with fanatics. I mean what can anyone reply to posts copy/pasted from biased Turkish sites? (to make myself clear: this particular site is called by me as biased - not generalising)

The basis of a democratic state is liberty. Aristotle, Politics

Those that can give up essential liberty to obtain a temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety. Benjamin Franklin

Byzantine Emperor View Drop Down

Arch Duke

Kastrophylax kai Tzaousios

Joined: 24-May-2005
Location: United States
Online Status: Offline
Posts: 1800

Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 13:42

Originally posted by Yiannis

To Olvios and others:

Please, this is bordering ridicule. Stop replying to such posts which are intended only to provoke.

I second the motion of Yiannis. How can you you guys take yourselves seriously anymore by engaging in this futility yet again?

Late Byzantine Military
Ottoman perceptions of the Americas

KristieK

Immortal Guard

Joined: 25-May-2007
Online Status: Offline
Posts: 0

Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 14:23

article by : http://www.illyrians.org/

�ameria geographically is situated on the to-day north-west Greece. This beautiful region, has a rich Albanian her5tage and it was only in the 1912 that it was annexed unfairly and unjustifiably from Greece. This was the aftermath of the decision of the great powers to give �ameria to Greece, just as the great powers had made similar decisions to give Kosova and other Albanian territories to Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro.

The word �am is an evolution of the word "t'chiam" which is the name of an ancient river passing right through �ameria (The word T'chamis appears on many ancient Roman and even Hellenic maps, indicating that the word Chameria is older than the word Epirus, and it's used only by Albanians). Another branch of this river remains to be known to this day as the "lumi i kalamait" (Kalamait River - Childrens Rivier). What's most important is that everything about �ameria is Albanian in every sense of the word. The word �ameria has more of a topological meaning, but �ams have a very strong Albanian ethnicity, tradition and customs. �ameria has a very well-defined ethno-geographical meaning, which is strongly Albanian.

A large number of �am population is situated on the seaside and goes up to the Gulf of Preveza. Another considerable number of towns and villages are situated on both sides of the river of "kalamait". The rest of of the �am villages and towns are situated in more remote places and often on hills and mountains.

The Greek government has been very hostile toward �ams and the main reason is the fact that �ams have a very strong Albanian identity. Another reason of the Greek hostilities is the fact that Greeks inherited a very hostile policy towards us. During the period of time, from 1854 till 1877 the Albanians of �ameria resisted successfully the attacks from Greek "Andartes". During the WWI and WWII the greek troops attacked �ameria again. The (provisional) government of Vlora (Albania) responded by sending Albanian military troops to assist the Albanian population of �ameria , but the decision of the Ambassadors Conference assigned �ameria to Greece. As a result of this decision by the great powers, Greeks forces led by the hateful figure of N. Zervas launched attackers that ended up with many innocent Albanian locals killed.

To this day, we �ams in greece are described as bad people from an increasing "suffocating" Greek propaganda based on the fact that we refuse to be assimilated as it is the case with some of "Arvanites" in south and central Greece.

The today exact number of Albanians of �ameria in Greece is approx. one million people, taking into the account some relativly newly formed �am villages and towns elsewhere in Greece..if all the number of Albanians in �ameria is added to the number of Arvanites in other areas of Greece, then the total number of Albanians in Greece is around 3.000.000 people. However only Albanians in �ameria call themselves real Shqiptars (Albanians). Arvanites elsewhere in Greece are under greater assimilating pressure from the Greek government and Anti-Albanian Greek circles.

This section is dedicated to hundreds of thousands of Albanians from the region of Chameria expelled by force, from the Greek forces in 1944 and residing now in the Republic of Albania and in the memory of 850,000 Cham Albanians sent to Turkey during the period between 1913-44.

During the summer of 1944, the neo-nazi forces led by Zervas attacked many villages and towns of Chameria and as a result 9,000 Albanians (including children, women and old folks) were killed indiscriminately. A considerable number of Albanians were expelled and live now in the Republic of Albania. The official number of those Albanian refugees from Chameria is between 150,000 and 300,000.

Today they have formed their own Albanian patriotic and cultural association based in Tirana and which is active right across Albania. Among other they are asking from the Greek government in Athens-Greece, to be repatriated and their lands and other assets be returned to them as well as compensations for the usage of the lands for the past 50 years. Also they are rallying for the opening of Albanian schools to the Albanians living in Chameria.

The policy of expulsion of Cham Albanians from Chameria had started earlier than 1944. Greeks as well as Serbs followed the same pattern in politics with respect to Albanians. Often they had signed documents with the Turkish government for the exchange of Muslims with Christians. During all this not a single Cham Albanian was asked! As a result of such policy around 850,000 Cham Albanians from Chameria were sent to Turkey, where they are settled in the region of Asia minor in Turkey.

Prior to WWI and WWII, the population in �ameria was around 93% Albanian, the rest were other ethnic groups such as Greeks, Vlachs, gypsies, etc.. On the 19th century, 80% of the Albanian population in �ameria was of Muslim Religion (the process of conversion to Islam started in the 18th century) and a 20% Christian Orthodox, however the first world war, found the the Albanian community as made up of 50% muslim and 50% orthodox believers (this shift happened in a matter of 70 years). After the world wars a fraction of the Muslim Populations was expelled by the Greek special forces, leaving intact the mainly orthodox Albanian population (50%) and a small fraction of molsims(13%) who by now mostly converted to orthodoxy to survive. The conversion back and forth from one religion to the other, before the World War I, was common among families!

However both Albanian religious communities were extremely close to each-other before the war and to this day, the Greek government has not managed to assimilate the Albanians of �ameria. The Albanian language is spoken indoors and outdoors as much as on everyday working places, but the Greek government with very little pressure from outside refuses to recognize Albanian minority in Greece and refuses to open schools on Albanian language.

The region is officially known as Epirus by the Greek government, but on the further north western corner of Greece, every single people knows the place as �ameria. Anyone from this region stating that he or she is a �am, makes a political statement saying that he or she is an Albanian. That's why the Greek government doesn't know officially the region as �ameria. The heartland of �ameria is also called Thesprotia.

My own opinion is that this region has still an Albanian majority (since many people of other ethnic groups have emigrated away, which has compensated somehow for the displacement of some Albanians during WWI and WWII!) and all the �ams expelled unjustifiably from Greece are very welcomed by all the Albanian people here, there is a UN resolution which asks the Greek government to repatriate our brothers and sisters back to their homes, where they belong among the rest of us.

"Liria i ka rr�nj�t n� gjak." - South Alb. Proverb
"Liberty has its roots in blood"

KristieK

Immortal Guard

Joined: 25-May-2007
Online Status: Offline
Posts: 0

Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 14:24

The Genoncide

During the Conference of Ambassadors in London in 1913, the southern part of the region was cut off from the motherland and annexed to the Greek state despite the fact that people of the southern Epirus were Albanians of Orthodox and the Muslim faith. While the orthodox Albanians were targets of hellenization, the muslim Albanians were either exterminated or expelled from their ancestral lands by the Greek government.

Chams who lived in Southern Epirus (Chameria or Thesprotia as it is called by the Greeks) were the victims of the first ethnic cleansing in Europe at the end of the Second World War. The Cham tragedy is one of the most painful tragedies of the European continent. Statistical yearbook of the Greek government in 1936 showed that 26.000 Chams lived in Chameria region in Greece at that time.

As a result of the 1944-1945 ethnic cleansing and genocide, 30.000 Albanian Muslims were violently expelled from the Chameria region, and sought refuge in the Republic of Albania, where they still live. Today, there are 150.000 members of this population in Albania, a figure that has grown because of the high birth rate of the population. On the other hand, current number of Cham Albanians living in Greece is estimated at around 100.000. Yet these people are deprived of every sort of minority rights like other minorities living in Greece. To cite but one example, they can speak Albanian only in their homes.

The population of Chameria has always been ethnically Albanian: - A lot of voyagers and foreign historians wrote that Chameria had been populated by Albanians. Even the Greek historian Herodotus underscored this fact in his book Historias and called Albanians of the Chameria barbarians, a term used by the ancient Greeks to distinguish non-greek people. - The census held by the Turkish Administration in 1910 established that there were 83.000 orthodox and muslim Albanians in the region. The demographic map of the British military mission sent to the British government in London indicates that on the eve of the second World War, 75% of Chameria's population was Albanian. - The pro-Greek historian Spiro Muselimi, in his book "Historical Sight Through Thesprotia", edited in Joannina on 1974, wrote that "The bishop of Thesprotia in the year 1870 translated some parts of Bible into Albanian, as the people of orthodox faith of the region did not understand any word in Greek" .

The Greek authorities, sticking to the concept of absolute denial of the existence of ethnic groups on Greek territory, have followed a well-established chauvinistic policy and, as history recorded, they committed genocide against the Albanians of muslim faith. The racial assault on Chameria's muslim Albanians began to be first applied at the end of the Second World War, in 1944-1945, when criminal bands of the notorious General Napoleon Zervas perpetrated ethnic cleansing against them.

On June 27, 1944, Greek criminal bands resorted to the worst atrocities witnessed in this region. The terror committed against this population was beyond description. It included killings, rapes, inhuman treatment, massacre of women, babies and pregnant women. More than 1400 men, women and children were killed within 24 hours in the town of Paramithy, on Tuesday, June 27, 1944, which happened to be the date of St.Bartholomeus day for the whole Chameria.

During the June 1944-March 1945 period, 1286 persons were killed in Filat, 192 people were killed in Gumenica, 626 persons were killed in Margellic and Parga. There were hundreds of other missing persons. In the same period, as a result of Greek massacres, acts of robbery and rapes against the Albanian population of Chameria; 2900 young and old men, 214 women, 96 children were massacred, 745 women were raped, 76 women abducted, 32 children, younger than 3 years were massacred, 68 villages were razed to the ground, 5800 houses and places of worship were burned down or destroyed. Furthermore, 30.000 Albanian Muslims were violently expelled from the Chameria region who took refuge in the Republic of Albania.

The Albanian government, after the war, took the Cham issue to the Peace Conference in Paris. The conference of Foreign Ministers of the Allied Powers not only recognized the very difficult circumstances the Chams were subjected to, but also demanded repatriation and recovery of their property. The International Investigation Commission of the United Nations, appointed for the verification of the tragedy on both sides of the border, concluded its report in 1946-1947, replete with facts and evidence about the massacre and painful tragedy of the Cham people.

Realities of the recent history of Chameria require the attention of the international community. Greece cannot avoid but recognize the genocide of the Cham Albanians. The civil and legal rights of those currently living in Greece, estimated around 100.000 today, must be respected by Greece. According to the official Greek stand, the muslim population of Chameria, which numbers around 150.000 and still refugees in Albania will never be allowed to return to Greece because they allegedly collaborated with the German occupiers during the Second World War. They are considered as war criminals according to the Greek laws (K.Mitsotakis, Tirana, May 1992).

This hypothesis is untrue and fabricated. To consider a whole community as criminals, many members of which died in Greece's liberation struggle in the Second World War, is a political and historical crime against Cham Albanians. In 1994, the Parliament of the Albanian Republic proclaimed 27 June 1944 as the commemoration day for the massacred Albanians of Chameria, and a monument was built up in Konispol in memory of the victims of Chameria.

After 1945, with a view to changing the demographic structure of Chameria, its colonization with Greeks, Aromens and Gypsies was begun. Greece wanted the demographic structure of the province changed because it did not trust the rest of the Albanian population who remained there, even though they were of the Orthodox confession. Greece violently put an end to every attempt to preserve the identity of the Albanian population of the Orthodox belief and Albanian was prohibited to be spoken in public. Thereby, the assimilation of orthodox Albanians gained momentum. The fate of the orthodox Albanians was not much different than that of their Muslim brothers when it came to maintaining their ethnic identity.

YOU CANNOT COMPARE GENOCIDE WITH GENOCIDE PEOPLE STILL GET KILLED.

"Liria i ka rr�nj�t n� gjak." - South Alb. Proverb
"Liberty has its roots in blood"

KristieK

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Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 14:25

this is the memorandum!

REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA "CAMERIA" NATIONAL POLITICAL ASSOCIATION

MEMORANDUM

Tirana, November 15,1998

On the issue of the Albanians of Cameria who are currently living as emigrants in the Republic of Albania since 1944 the time when they were forcibly expelled by the Greek Chauvinists

Honorable Mr. President,

The June of this year marked the 54-th anniversary of the day when the last act of ethnic cleansing on the Albanian population of Cameria was carried out.

The violation and the terror exerted on the Albanian population of Cameria by the criminal bands of the Greek theocratic chauvinism led by the notorious greek general Napoleon Zerva, forced the cameria Albanians to flee from their ancient lands and to find refuge in the Republic of Albania.

Mass killings, on-going persecutions, the denial of every basic right it was entitled to as an ethnic people as well as the fact that Cameria was left unjustly under the greek yoke by Great Powers in 1913, made Cameria and its Albanian population victims of the first ethnic cleansing in Europe at the end of the Second World War. As concerns the extent of the effects it had, the Cam tragedy is one of the most painful TRAGEDIES of the Albanian nation.

The most painful act of this tragedy began on 27-th of June,1944 in the city of Paramithia, progressively engulfing the whole of Cameria, thus ending in March of 1945.

The afternoon of 27-th of June 1944, this black day in the history of the Albanian nation, marks the beginning of the massacres and crimes carried out by the Greek Chauvinists against the innocent and unprotected population of the area. Within one single day, 600 men, women and children including expectant mothers, were either killed, or slaughtered or baked alive. The crimes carried out were brutal and unheard of. Massacres took place in Parga on 28th of August 1944 where 200 people were killed, followed by Filat in September of 1944 to be followed by massacres in March 1945 in Vanar where hundreds of innocent people were executed.

The population was forcibly expelled from its own lands with a final balance of 2900 killed, and over 2400 dead persons who passed away while attempting to get Albania. More than 60 villages were rampaged and over 5800 houses were burnt and their properties were plundered.

The issue of Cameria and its population did not constitute an important priority for the Albanian Government during the communist dictatorship Era. With the overthrow of the communist dictatorship in 1991, this issue became part of the program of the majority of the newly-created parties and part of the program of the first democratic government.

In order to defend the issue of Cameria and its respective population, on 10-th of January 1991, the first pluralist association in Albania was founded under the name "Cameria" National Political Association. The solution of this great problem of the Albanian Nation formed part of its program.

"Cameria" Association as well as leaders of the Albanian State have appealed to the Greek Government and the Greek State to solve this problem which has been frozen for so many years, judging that the best way for solving this issue is the way of bilateral talks.

The Greek Government and its high officials have taken a denial stand to the issue or have simply kept silent in the best cases.

According to the official Greek stand, the muslim population of Cameria will not be allowed to return to Greece "because they have collaborated with the German occupiers during the Second World War and as such, they are considered as war criminals and are sentenced according to the greek laws" (K. Micotaqis, Tirana, May 1992).

We consider this "hypothesis" as untrue and fabricated. To consider the Cam population as "Criminals" at a time when they have shed their blood together with the Greeks for liberating Greece, is a political and diplomatic crime against Albanians.

The Cam population have not collaborated with any kind of occupiers, but are their VICTIMS.

If in Cameria were some "Collaborators" (a phenomenon characteristic of all the states that have been occupied during the Second World War), the number of the so-called "Collaborators" in Greece was 30.000 persons led by the Prime Minister, Ralisi.

No one is accusing them in Greece today. On the contrary, they have been rehabilitated after the general amnesty was passed.

It is an historical fact that Cams have taken part in the Greek resistance against its occupiers since 1942. A set of documents which testifies to this fact exists and no one can deny this.Documents of the German Reich exist, which testify to the fact that Napoleon Zerva, one of the main responsible persons of the genocide against the Cam population has been a collaborator of the German Gestapo.

A population of 35.000 people can not be held responsible, because according to the special political courts set up at the absence of the expelled Cams, 1930 persons have been sentenced according to the Greek laws.

This official Greek Stand does not do credit to the Greek Government, which has signed all the International Conventions on human rights, which is a member of the European Union, OSCE, Council of Europe, etc., while claiming at the same time that it is fighting for the protection of the human rights and the freedom of the individual.

THE CAM TRAGEDY IS GENOCIDE, ETHNIC CLEANSING, VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE FREEDOM OF THE INDIVIDUAL AS WELL AS A WAR ON A RELIGIOUS BASIS.

Honorable Mr. President,

We kindly ask you to exert your power based on your rights and your convictions, to remedy this great unjustice on behalf of the 4000 who have been killed and the other 150.000 who have been away from their ancestors' land for 54 years, without having a chance to see the graves of their parents, brothers and sisters and their childrens'.

WE DEMAND:

Restitution of the properties of the Cam population from the Greek Government.

The return of the Cam population to its ethnic lands and the recognition of all the rights of the ethnic minority in Greece, in the same way as the Albanian Government is recognising and respecting the rights of the Greek minority in Albania.

Indemnity of the proceeds resulting from the 54 year usage of the real estate of the Cam population from the Greek Government.

The Greek Government to Allow the free mobility of the Cam population to visit the graves of their cousins and their ethnic lands.

The Greek Government to recognise and issue greek citizenship to the Cam population who have never asked for dropping this citizenship, at a time when this constitutes an International Right which continues to be denied by the Greek Government.

In 1947 the same Memorandum has been sent to all the International forums by the Cam Antifascists Committee, but unfortunately such an appeal has not found a solution yet.

This Memorandum was approved unanimously by the National Assembly of the "Cameria" National Political Association on November 15,1998.

We express our deep conviction once again that You Mr. President, will do everything possible in your power to remedy this unjustice done to the Albanian population of Cameria.

We would like to express our greatest considerations and would like to thank you for your understanding.

The National Assembly of the "Cameria" National Political Association.

© 1998 "CAMERIA" NATIONAL POLITICAL ASSOCIATION Memorandum is printed here with permition of the "CAMERIA" organization. This is a legal document and cannot be copied completely or in-part without permition. For more information on the CAMERIA organization and the above document contact Mr. Lutfi Saqe

"Liria i ka rr�nj�t n� gjak." - South Alb. Proverb
"Liberty has its roots in blood"

KristieK

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Joined: 25-May-2007
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Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 14:25

Cham Issue

Cham Issue is very particular for the fact that they were the only people of Europe to be removed by force during the W W II . You will have to read the daily prosecution that Albanians went through in this region since this region was invaded by Greeks.

Daily killings,assasinations.
Land reforms,to expropriate all lawfull owners with ridiculous reasons.That was done under the slogan "the land belongs to the one that works it".Many Chams had to live with their land taken away but they had the right of onwrship of the olive trees.
Mass graves by the Greek army.
The Albanian Muslims were considered second class citizens.They were not allowed to serve in the army under arms.To Albanians soldiers were given to work and open new street.
Sytematic,prosecution,and harassments just because they belonged to a diffrent nationalty and religion.
Albanian Orthodox were treated somehow diffrent and this was done to create division ,so would be easier for the Greek government to rule them. Many of Christian Orthodoxs who dared the government were brutally killed by the Goverment and called by the Greek Church as treators.The example is of Spiro Calluka in Paramithia.He did not hurt anybody,he was only an Albanian language teacher.This has only one name, GENOCIDE. Greek Governmet has to allow the lawfull owners to return to their own houses and their land ,since all other citizens have been allowed to return from the civil war in Greece.That is her obligation under the international law ,and European Uninon,Greece should not be a liability for EU.

"Liria i ka rr�nj�t n� gjak." - South Alb. Proverb
"Liberty has its roots in blood"

KristieK

Immortal Guard

Joined: 25-May-2007
Online Status: Offline
Posts: 0

Posted: 24-Jun-2007 at 14:26

OPPRESSION POLICIES IMPOSED ON THE ALBANIAN MINORITY BY GREECE

A. FOLLOWING THE GREEK�S CLAIMS THAT THE ALBANIANS COLLABORATED WITH THE OCCUPYING ITALIANS IN WORLD WAR II AND CIVIL WAR, THE ALBANIANS WERE BANISHED IN MASSES BOTH ALONG THE BORDER OF ALBANIA AND IN THE OTHER REGIONS OF THE COUNTRY, MASSACRED OR DRIVEN A WAY TO VARIOUS REGIONS OF GREECE.

THE GREEKS MASSACRED 3.242 CIVILIAN, PEOPLE IN WHOLE CAMERIA FROM JUNE 1944 TO MARCH 1945; 2900 OF THEM WERE OLD PEOPLE OR YOUNG MEN, 214 WOMEN AND 96 CHILDREN. IN ADDITION, 745 WOMEN WERE RAPED, 76 WOMEN ABDUCTED, 32 BABIES YOUNGER THAN 3 YEARS WERE MASSACRED, 68 VILLAGES WERE DESTROYED, 5.800 HOUSES AND SANCTUARIES, INCLUDING MOSQUES WERE BURNED DOWN AND DESTROYED AND THE HOUSES WERE PILLAGED.

B. EDES (DEMOCRATIC GREEK UNION) FORMING THE ANTI-COMMUNIST FRONT IN THE GREEK CIVIL WAR AND MOVING FIRST ON THE REPUBLICAN, THEN ON THE MONARCHIST LINE AND ITS HEAD GENERAL NAPOLEON ZERVAS, ON THE ONE HAND FOUGHT AGAINST THE COMMUNIST FORCES AND ON THE OTHER HAND CONDUCTED CLEANSING ACTS AGAINST NON-GREEK ELEMENTS, MACEDONIANS AND ALBANIANS. A PART OF THESE ATTACKS WAR DIRECTED TOWARDS THE EPIRUS REGION AND THE ALBANIANS LIVING IN CAMERIA.

GENERAL ZERVAS WARNED OUT A WIDE-SCOPE MASSACRE AND ETHNIC CLEANSING IN CAMERIA IN JUNE 1944. THE IS SUE THAT OTHER STUDIES ALSO POINT OUT IS THAT CONDUCTING ETHNIC CLEANSING HAS BECOME A STATE TRADITION IN GREECE.

C. NOWADAYS, THE CAMERIAN ALBANIANS CONTINUE TO LOOK FOR THEIR RIGHTS AS VICTIMS OF THE GENOCIDE APPLIED TO THEM BY THE GREEK. WHILE THERE WAS 99% ALBANIAN POPULATION IN THE CITIES OF THE REGION AND 100 % IN THE VILLAGES UNTIL THE CAMERIAN GENOCIDE DAYS 24 JUNE 1944, THIS POPULATION IS NOW SPREAD. ON THE OTHER HAND, THE ETHNIC IDENTITY OF THE ORTHODOX ALBANIANS IS DENIED AND ENDEAVORED TO BE SHOWN AS IF IT DOES NOT EXIST.

IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE 1945 EVENTS, THE GREEK ADMINISTRATORS SETTLED GREEK, ULAH AND GYPSY POPULATION HERE TO UPSET THE DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURE OF THE REGION AND THEY DID NOT RECOGNIZE ANY RIGHTS OF THE ALBANIANS OF ORTHODOX SECTS WHO COULD REMAIN THERE. AS A RESULT OF THIS POLICY OF ATHENS WHICH DENIES THE ALBANIAN ETHNIC IDENTITY EXCEPT FOR THE ORTHODOX IDENTITY, THE CHAMERIAN ALBANIANS ENDED UP NOT BEING ABLE TO SPEAK THEIR OWN LANGUAGE ON THEIR OWN TERRITORIES AND WERE RESTRICTED THE GOODS AND PROPERTIES OF THE CHAMERIAN ALBANIANS WHO HAD BEEN EXPELLED, FO THE NEW RESIDENTS, HAVING NOT BASED ON ANY LEGAL GROUNDS.

NOWADAYS, THE GREEK GOVERNMENT DOES NOT GIVE PERMISSION TO THE CHAMERIAN ALBANIANS TO ENTER THE COUNTRY AND CONDUCTS A POLICY OF ISOLATION AND DISCRIMINATION TOWARDS THEM. THE GREEK ADMINISTRATION HAS CHANGED ALL THE NAMES OF THE PLACES IN THE REGION INTO GREEK BY APPLYING A CULTURAL ASSIMILATION POLICY.

"Liria i ka rr�nj�t n� gjak." - South Alb. Proverb
"Liberty has its roots in blood"

Kapikulu