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The facts about Cyprus issue

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  Quote aknc Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Topic: The facts about Cyprus issue
    Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:45
One more thing;we were discussing who shot first and wether there was an attack on the Turks or not.We concluded that.what are you talking about?
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              
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  Quote Spartakus Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:48
 


10.5.2001

Press release issued by the Registrar

JUDGMENT IN THE CASE OF CYPRUS v. TURKEY

In a Grand Chamber judgment delivered at Strasbourg on 10 May 2001 in the case of Cyprus v. Turkey (application no. 25781/94), the European Court of Human Rights held, by sixteen votes to one, that the matters complained of by Cyprus in its application entailed Turkeys responsibility under the European Convention on Human Rights.

The Court held that there had been the following 14 violations of the Convention (see Decision of the Court for details):

Greek-Cypriot missing persons and their relatives

  • a continuing violation of Article 2 (right to life) of the Convention concerning the failure of the authorities of the respondent State to conduct an effective investigation into the whereabouts and fate of Greek-Cypriot missing persons who disappeared in life-threatening circumstances;

  • a continuing violation of Article 5 (right to liberty and security) concerning the failure of the Turkish authorities to conduct an effective investigation into the whereabouts and fate of the Greek-Cypriot missing persons in respect of whom there was an arguable claim that they were in Turkish custody at the time of their disappearance;

  • a continuing violation of Article 3 (prohibition of inhuman or degrading treatment) in that the silence of the Turkish authorities in the face of the real concerns of the relatives attained a level of severity which could only be categorised as inhuman treatment.

Home and property of displaced persons

  • a continuing violation of Article 8 (right to respect for private and family life, home and correspondence) concerning the refusal to allow the return of any Greek-Cypriot displaced persons to their homes in northern Cyprus;

  • a continuing violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 (protection of property) concerning the fact that Greek-Cypriot owners of property in northern Cyprus were being denied access to and control, use and enjoyment of their property as well as any compensation for the interference with their property rights;

  • a violation of Article 13 (right to an effective remedy) concerning the failure to provide to Greek Cypriots not residing in northern Cyprus any remedies to contest interferences with their rights under Article 8 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

Living conditions of Greek Cypriots in Karpas region of northern Cyprus

  • a violation of Article 9 (freedom of thought, conscience and religion) in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus, concerning the effects of restrictions on freedom of movement which limited access to places of worship and participation in other aspects of religious life;

  • a violation of Article 10 (freedom of expression) in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in so far as school-books destined for use in their primary school were subject to excessive measures of censorship;

  • a continuing violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in that their right to the peaceful enjoyment of their possessions was not secured in case of their permanent departure from that territory and in that, in case of death, inheritance rights of relatives living in southern Cyprus were not recognised;

  • a violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 (right to education) in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in so far as no appropriate secondary-school facilities were available to them;

  • a violation of Article 3 in that the Greek Cypriots living in the Karpas area of northern Cyprus had been subjected to discrimination amounting to degrading treatment;

  • a violation of Article 8 concerning the right of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus to respect for their private and family life and to respect for their home;

  • a violation of Article 13 by reason of the absence, as a matter of practice, of remedies in respect of interferences by the authorities with the rights of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus under Articles 3, 8, 9 and 10 of the Convention and Articles 1 and 2 of Protocol No. 1.

Rights of Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus

  • a violation of Article 6 (right to a fair trial) on account of the legislative practice of authorising the trial of civilians by military courts.

The Court further held that there had been no violation concerning a number of complaints, including all those raised under: Article 4 (prohibition of slavery and forced labour), Article 11 (freedom of assembly and association), Articles 14 (prohibition of discrimination), Article 17 (prohibition of abuse of rights) and Article 18 (limitation on use of restrictions on rights) read in conjunction with all those provisions. As regards a number of other allegations, the Court held that it was not necessary to consider the issues raised.

The Court also decided, unanimously, that the question of the possible application of Article 41 (just satisfaction) of the Convention was not ready for decision.

1.  Principal facts

The case relates to the situation that has existed in northern Cyprus since the conduct of military operations there by Turkey in July and August 1974 and the continuing division of the territory of Cyprus. In connection with that situation, Cyprus maintained that Turkey had continued to violate the Convention in northern Cyprus after the adoption of two earlier reports by the European Commission of Human Rights, which were drawn up following previous applications brought by Cyprus against Turkey.

In the Convention proceedings, Cyprus contended that Turkey was accountable under the Convention for the violations alleged notwithstanding the proclamation of the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus" in November 1983 and the subsequent enactment of the "TRNC Constitution" in May 1985. Cyprus maintained that the "TRNC" was an illegal entity from the standpoint of international law and pointed to the international communitys condemnation of the establishment of the "TRNC". Turkey, on the other hand, maintained that the "TRNC" was a democratic and constitutional State, which was politically independent of all other sovereign States, including Turkey. For that reason, Turkey stressed that the allegations made by Cyprus were imputable exclusively to the "TRNC" and that Turkey could not be held accountable under the Convention for the acts or omissions on which those allegations were based.

2.  Procedure

The application was lodged with the European Commission of Human Rights on 22 November 1994. Having declared the application admissible on 28 June 1996, the Commission appointed Delegates who took evidence in respect of various matters raised by the application in Strasbourg (27-28 November 1997), Cyprus (21-24 February 1998) and London (22 April 1998). Having concluded that there was no basis on which a friendly settlement could be secured, the Commission, following an oral hearing, adopted a report on 4 June 1999 in which it established the facts and expressed an opinion as to whether the facts disclosed the alleged breaches by Turkey of its obligations under the Convention.

The case was referred to the Court by the Government of the Republic of Cyprus on 30 August 1999 and by the Commission on 11 September 1999. The panel of the Grand Chamber of the Court decided that the case should be examined by the Grand Chamber.

 

3.  Composition of the Court

Judgment was given by the Grand Chamber of seventeen judges, composed as follows:

Luzius Wildhaber (Swiss), President,
Elisabeth Palm (Swedish),
Jean-Paul Costa (French),
Luigi Ferrari Bravo (Italian),
Lucius Caflisch (Swiss),
Willi Fuhrmann (Austrian),
Karel Jungwiert (Czech),
Marc Fischbach (Luxemburger),
Botjan Zupani (Slovenian),
Nina Vaji (Croatian),
John Hedigan (Irish),
Margarita Tsatsa-Nikolovska (FYROMacedonia),
Tudor Panru (Moldovan),
Egils Levits (Latvian),
Anatoly Kovler (Russian), judges,
Kutlu Tekin Fuad, ad hoc judge in respect of Turkey,
Silvio Marcus-Helmons, ad hoc judge in respect of Cyprus,

and also Michele de Salvia, Registrar.

4.   Complaints

Before the Court, Cyprus alleged violations of the Convention under Articles 1 (obligation to respect human rights), 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, Articles 1 and 2 of Protocol No. 1, and Articles 14, 17, and 18. According to Cyprus, these Articles were violated as a matter of administrative practice by the respondent State.

The allegations concerned the following issues:

(a) Greek-Cypriot missing persons and their relatives

In respect of Greek-Cypriot missing persons, it was alleged that, if any were still in Turkish custody, this would constitute a form of slavery or servitude contrary to Article 4 and a grave breach of their right to liberty under Article 5. In addition, Cyprus maintained that there had been a violation of Articles 2 and 5 on account of Turkeys failure to carry out an investigation into the disappearance of these persons in life-threatening circumstances and to account for their whereabouts.

In respect of the relatives of missing persons, Cyprus alleged violations of Articles 3, 8 and 10 on account of the Turkish authorities consistent and continuing failure to provide information on the fate of the missing persons.

(b) Home and property of displaced persons

Cyprus complained, among other things, under Article 8 (the continuing refusal to allow Greek Cypriots to return to their homes and families in northern Cyprus; implantation of Turkish settlers in northern Cyprus to the detriment of the demographic and cultural environment of northern Cyprus), Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 (denial of access to and enjoyment of property, re-assignment of property, withholding of compensation and deprivation of title), Article 13 of the Convention (failure to provide any remedy to displaced persons in respect of the alleged violations of Article 8 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1) and Article 14 taken in conjunction with the preceding Articles (discrimination against Greeks and Greek Cypriots as regards, among other things, enjoyment of their property). Cyprus further invoked Article 3 (discrimination against displaced persons amounting to ill-treatment), and Articles 17 (abuse of rights) and 18 (impermissible use of restrictions on rights).

(c) Living conditions of Greek Cypriots in the Karpas region of northern Cyprus

As regards the Karpas Greek Cypriots, Cyprus relied on, among other things, Articles 2 (denial of adequate medical treatment and services), 3 (discriminatory treatment; in particular in view of their advanced age, the restrictions placed on them and methods of coercion used were said to amount to inhuman and degrading treatment), 5 (threat to security of person and absence of official action to prevent this), 6 (lack of a fair hearing before an independent and impartial tribunal established by law for the determination of their civil rights), 8 (interference with their right to respect for their private and family life, home and correspondence), 9 (interference with their right to manifest their religion on account of restrictions on their freedom of movement and access to places of worship), 10 (excessive censorship of school-books and restrictions on importation of Greek-language newspapers and books), 11 (impediments to their participation in bi or inter-communal events or gatherings), 13 (denial of an effective remedy in respect of their complaints) and 14 (discrimination on racial, religious and linguistic grounds), and Articles 1 (interference with the property of deceased Greek Cypriots as well as with the property of such persons who permanently leave northern Cyprus) and 2 (denial of secondary-education facilities to Greek-Cypriot children) of Protocol No. 1.

(d) Complaints relating to Turkish Cypriots, including members of the Gypsy community, living in northern Cyprus

Cyprus alleged, among other things, violations in relation to Turkish Cypriots who are opponents of the "TRNC" rgime of Articles 5 (arbitrary arrest and detention), 6 (trial by "military courts"), 8 (assaults and harassment by third parties), 10 (prohibition of Greek-language newspapers and interference with the right to freedom of expression), 11 (denial of the right to associate freely with Greek Cypriots), Article 1 of Protocol No.1 (failure to allow Turkish Cypriots to return to their properties in southern Cyprus). Violations were also alleged of Articles 3, 5, 8 and 13 and Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 in relation to the treatment of Turkish-Cypriot Gypsies living in northern Cyprus.

5.  Decision of the Court

Preliminary issues

The Court considered, unanimously, that, notwithstanding Turkeys failure either to submit a memorial to the Court or to attend the oral hearing held on 20 September 2000 and to plead these issues afresh, it had jurisdiction to examine those preliminary issues raised by Turkey in the proceedings before the Commission which the Commission reserved for the merits stage.

The Court held, unanimously, that the applicant Government had both locus standi to bring the application, given that the Republic of Cyprus was the sole legitimate government of Cyprus, and a legitimate legal interest in having the merits of the application examined since neither of the resolutions adopted by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on the Commissions previous reports had resulted in a decision which could be said to be dispositive of the issues raised in the application. Furthermore, the Court, unanimously, confirmed the Commissions conclusion that situations which ended more than six months before the date of introduction of the application (22 May 1994) fell outside the scope of its examination.

As to Turkeys denial of liability under the Convention for the allegations made against it, the Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that the facts complained of in the application fell within the "jurisdiction" of Turkey within the meaning of Article 1 of the Convention and therefore entailed the respondent States responsibility under the Convention. In reaching this conclusion, the Court noted that such a finding was consistent with its earlier statements in its Loizidou v. Cyprus (merits) judgment [fn]. In that judgment, the Court had noted that Turkey exercised effective overall control of northern Cyprus through its military presence there, with the result that its responsibility under the Convention was engaged for the policies and actions of the "TRNC" authorities. In the instant case, the Court stressed that Turkeys responsibility under the Convention could not be confined to the acts of its own soldiers and officials operating in northern Cyprus but was also engaged by virtue of the acts of the local administration ("the TRNC"), which survived by virtue of Turkish military and other support.

The Court further held, by ten votes to seven, that, for the purposes of the exhaustion requirements under the former Article 26 (current Article 35 1), remedies available in the "TRNC" may be regarded as "domestic remedies" of the respondent State and that the question of the effectiveness of these remedies had to be considered in the specific circumstances where it arose, on a case-by case basis. The majority of the Court, in line with the majority viewpoint of the Commission, considered, among other things, and with reference to the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice in the Namibia case, that in situations similar to those arising in the present case, the obligation to disregard acts of de facto entities, like the "TRNC", was far from absolute. For the Court, life went on in the territory concerned for its inhabitants and that life must be made tolerable and be protected by the de facto authorities, including their courts. It considered that, and in the interests of the inhabitants, the acts of those authorities could not simply be ignored by third States or by international institutions, especially courts. To hold otherwise would amount to stripping the inhabitants of the territory of all their rights whenever they were discussed in an international context, which would amount to depriving them even of the minimum standard of rights to which they were entitled. In reaching this conclusion, the Courts majority stressed that its reasoning did not in any way legitimise the "TRNC" and reaffirmed the view that the government of the Republic of Cyprus remained the sole legitimate government of Cyprus.

(a) Greek-Cypriot missing persons and their relatives

The Court, unanimously, found that there had been no violation of Article 2 by reason of an alleged violation of a substantive obligation under that Article in respect of any of the missing persons. The evidence before it did not substantiate to the required standard that any of the missing persons were killed in circumstances engaging the respondent States liability.

On the other hand, the Court found, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 2 on account of the failure of the authorities of the respondent State to conduct an effective investigation into the whereabouts and fate of Greek-Cypriot missing persons who disappeared in life-threatening circumstances.

The Court concluded, unanimously, that no violation of Article 4 had been established.

Although it found, unanimously, that it had not been established that, during the period under consideration, any of the missing persons were actually in detention, the Court ruled, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 5 by virtue of the failure of the authorities of the respondent State to conduct an effective investigation into the whereabouts and fate of the Greek-Cypriot missing persons in respect of whom there was an arguable claim that they were in Turkish custody at the time of their disappearance.

As to the relatives of the Greek-Cypriot missing persons, the Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 3. In the Courts opinion, the silence of the authorities of the respondent State in the face of the real concerns of the relatives attained a level of severity which could only be categorised as inhuman treatment.

Having regard to that conclusion, the Court held, unanimously, that it was not necessary to examine whether Articles 8 and 10 of the Convention had been violated in respect of the relatives of the Greek-Cypriot missing persons.

(b) Home and property of displaced persons

The Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 8 by reason of the refusal to allow the return of any Greek-Cypriot displaced persons to their homes in northern Cyprus. Having regard to that conclusion, the Court found, unanimously, that it was not necessary to examine whether there had been a further violation of that Article by reason of the alleged manipulation of the demographic and cultural environment of the Greek-Cypriot displaced persons homes in northern Cyprus. As to the applicant Governments complaint under Article 8 concerning the interference with the right to respect for family life on account of the refusal to allow the return of any Greek-Cypriot displaced persons to their homes in northern Cyprus, the Court held, unanimously, that this complaint fell to be considered in the context of their allegations in respect of the living conditions of the Karpas Greek Cypriots.

Furthermore, the Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 by virtue of the fact that Greek-Cypriot owners of property in northern Cyprus were being denied access to and control, use and enjoyment of their property as well as any compensation for the interference with their property rights.

The Court also held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 13 by reason of the failure to provide to Greek Cypriots not residing in northern Cyprus any remedies to contest interferences with their rights under Article 8 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1. It did not find it necessary (unanimously) to examine whether in this case there had been a violation of Article 14 taken in conjunction with Articles 8 and 13 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1, or whether the alleged discriminatory treatment of Greek-Cypriot displaced persons also gave rise to a breach of Article 3. It was also of the unanimous view that it was not necessary to examine separately the applicant Governments complaints under Articles 17 and 18, having regard to its findings under Articles 8 and 13 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

(c) Living conditions of Greek Cypriots in Karpas region of northern Cyprus

The Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 9 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus. As regards Maronites living in northern Cyprus it found, unanimously, no violation of Article 9. The Court also held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 10 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in so far as school-books destined for use in their primary school were subject to excessive measures of censorship.

The Court further held, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a continuing violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in that their right to the peaceful enjoyment of their possessions was not secured in case of their permanent departure from that territory and in that, in case of death, inheritance rights of relatives living in southern Cyprus were not recognised.

The Court also ruled, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus in so far as no appropriate secondary-school facilities were available to them.

In addition, the Court found, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 3 in that the Greek Cypriots living in the Karpas area of northern Cyprus had been subjected to discrimination amounting to degrading treatment. It observed in this connection that the Karpas Greek-Cypriot population was compelled to live in a situation of isolation and that its members were controlled and restricted in their movements and had no prospect of renewing or developing their community. For the Court, the conditions under which the population was condemned to live were debasing and violated the very notion of respect for the human dignity of its members. The discriminatory treatment attained a level of severity which amounted to degrading treatment.

The Court further held, by sixteen votes to one, that, from an overall standpoint, there had been a violation of Article 8 concerning the right of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus to respect for their private and family life and to respect for their home. In this connection the Court noted that the population concerned was subjected to serious restrictions on the exercise of these rights, including monitoring of its members movements and contacts. The surveillance effected by the authorities even extended to the physical presence of State agents in the homes of Greek Cypriots on the occasion of social or other visits paid by third parties, including family members. Having regard to that conclusion, the Court found, unanimously, that it was not necessary to examine separately the applicant Governments complaint under Article 8 concerning the effect of the respondent States alleged colonisation policy on the demographic and cultural environment of the Greek Cypriots homes. The Court further found, unanimously, no violation of Article 8 concerning the right to respect for correspondence by reason of an alleged practice of interference with the right of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus to respect for their correspondence.

The Court found, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 13 by reason of the absence, as a matter of practice, of remedies in respect of interferences by the authorities with the rights of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus under Articles 3, 8, 9 and 10 of the Convention and Articles 1 and 2 of Protocol No. 1. On the other hand, it held, by eleven votes to six, that no violation of Article 13 had been established by reason of the alleged absence of remedies in respect of interferences by private persons with the rights of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus under Article 8 and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1.

The Court held, by sixteen votes to one, that no violation of Article 2 had been established by reason of an alleged practice of denying access to medical services to Greek Cypriots and Maronites living in northern Cyprus and, by the same margin, that there had been no violation of Article 5. Furthermore, by eleven votes to six, it held that no violation of Article 6 had been established in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus by reason of an alleged practice of denying them a fair hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal in the determination of their civil rights and obligations. The Court also held, unanimously, that no violation of Article 11 had been established by reason of an alleged practice of denying Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus the right to freedom of association and that no violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 had been established by virtue of an alleged practice of failing to protect the property of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus against interferences by private persons.

The Court decided, unanimously, that it was not necessary to examine whether there had been a violation of Article 14 taken in conjunction with Article 3 in respect of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus, having regard to its finding under Article 3 and, by fourteen votes to three, that, having regard to the particular circumstances of this case, it was not necessary to for it to examine whether there had been a breach of Article 14 taken in conjunction with other relevant Articles.

(d) Right of displaced Greek Cypriots to hold elections

The Court held, unanimously, that it was not necessary to examine whether the facts disclosed a violation of the right of displaced Greek Cypriots to hold free elections, as guaranteed by Article 3 of Protocol No. 1.

(e) Rights of Turkish Cypriots, including members of Gypsy community, living in northern Cyprus

Under this heading, the Court, unanimously, declined jurisdiction to examine those aspects of the applicant Governments complaints under Articles 6, 8, 10 and 11 in respect of political opponents of the regime in the "TRNC" as well as their complaints under Articles 1 and 2 of Protocol No. 1 in respect of the Turkish-Cypriot Gypsy community, which were held by the Commission not to be within the scope of the case as declared admissible.

The Court found, by sixteen votes to one, that there had been a violation of Article 6 on account of the legislative practice of authorising the trial of civilians by military courts.

The Court further held, unanimously, that there had been no violation of Articles 3, 5, 8, 10 and 11 concerning the rights of Turkish Cypriot opponents of the regime in northern Cyprus by reason of an alleged administrative practice, including an alleged practice of failing to protect their rights under these Articles. By sixteen votes to one, the Court found no violation of Articles 3, 5, 8 and 14 concerning the rights of members of the Turkish-Cypriot Gypsy community by reason of an alleged administrative practice, including an alleged practice of failing to protect this groups rights under these Articles.

It held, unanimously, that: no violation of Article 10 had been established by reason of an alleged practice of restricting the right of Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus to receive information from the Greek-language press; no violation of Article 11 had been established by reason of an alleged practice of interference with the right to freedom of association or assembly of Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus; no violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 had been established by reason of an alleged administrative practice, including an alleged practice of failing to secure enjoyment of their possessions in southern Cyprus to Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus.

By eleven votes to six, the Court found that no violation of Article 13 had been established by reason of an alleged practice of failing to secure effective remedies to Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus.

 

(f) Alleged violations of Articles 1, 17, 18 and former Article 32 4

The Court held unanimously that it was not necessary to examine separately the applicant Governments complaints under these Articles.

Judges Palm, Costa, Jungwiert, Panru, Levits, Kovler, Fuad and Marcus-Helmons expressed partly dissenting opinions, which are annexed to the judgment.

***

The Courts judgments are accessible on its Internet site (http://www.echr.coe.int).

Registry of the European Court of Human Rights
F 67075 Strasbourg Cedex
Contacts: Roderick Liddell (telephone: (0)3 88 41 24 92)
Emma Hellyer (telephone: (0)3 90 21 42 15)
Fax: (0)3 88 41 27 91

The European Court of Human Rights was set up in Strasbourg in 1959 to deal with alleged violations of the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights. On 1 November 1998 a full-time Court was established, replacing the original two-tier system of a part-time Commission and Court.

 

"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
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  Quote Spartakus Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:50

An Overview of Turkey's Aims in Cyprus

Large-scale and systematic violations of human rights by States can only be the consequence of deliberately designed State policies. This is particularly true of Turkey's human rights violations in Cyprus where Turkey has, and for more than 30 years has had, clear long-term policy goals:

  1. to secure a military foothold in Cyprus;
  2. to expand this foothold by seizing up to 38% of the island;
  3. to Turkify the occupied part so far as possible by driving out all Greek Cypriots and settling the area with Anatolian settlers and Turkish Cypriots transferred from the free area;
  4. to install a puppet regime under Turkish direction;
  5. economically to integrate the occupied area with Turkey's economy;
  6. to keep a large Turkish Army permanently stationed on Cyprus (claimed by her to be essential for Turkish 'security');
  7. to recover Turkey's power- as under the Ottoman Empire - to decide the island's fate;
  8. to seize the portion of Cyprus that she has not as yet occupied.
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)
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  Quote aknc Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 14:59
Think a little will you?I will say once more;ordinary civilians cannot access to secret government policies or plans
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              
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  Quote Spartakus Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:01
 

Turks fire shots at British soldiers - no injuries Nicosia

Cyprus News Agency: News in English, October 29, 1996

Shots, fired from the Turkish occupied areas of the Republic, hit a vehicle, carrying two unarmed British soldiers on routine work near Dhekelia base, on the south east of the island, Sean Tully, a spokesman for the bases told CNA. The vehicle was a couple of metres into the Turkish occupied areas of Cyprus, the spokesman explained. Nobody was injured but the British High Commission in Nicosia has already made representations to the self-styled Turkish Cypriot regime about the incident, he added.

The men and their civilian vehicle, a rented pick-up truck, were ''just a couple of metres into the occupied areas,'' a spokesman for the High Commission told CNA. ''One of the bullets fired hit the vehicle, but it is not known how many shots were fired,'' the bases spokesman said.

Today's incident occurred only two-weeks after Turkish troops shot and killed in cold blood an unarmed Greek Cypriot, Petros Kakoullis, who mistakenly strayed into the occupied areas while collecting snails.

The shooting today took place about one metre from the spot where Kakoullis was murdered. The shots were fired at around 0940 local time (0740 GMT) when the soldiers were checking out concrete pillars marking the British Sovereign Base Area (SBA) northern boundary.

After their vehicle was hit, the soldiers drove off, the spokesman explained. The two soldiers, who belong to the 42nd Survey Engineers Group, were visiting Cyprus on routine work.

The SBA police, Tully said, will conduct an internal inquiry into the circumstances of the incident.

"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)
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  Quote aknc Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:01

In typical Orthodox propagandist fashion, we are not told about the suffering of the other side. Furthermore, would any of this have ever happened if the Greeks did not fire the first shot? Instead, Michael Cacoyannis tries to paint the picture that the Turks acted brutally... but even he doesn?t offer much evidence that the Turks murdered the Greeks being held. Sure, this kind of life disruption and displacement of loved ones isn?t pretty, but if Michael Cacoyannis wanted to point the finger at a guilty party, how dare he fully not lay the blame where it squarely belongs?

 

"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              
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  Quote aknc Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:02

Busloads of Greeks return, re-united with their loved ones. Michael Cacoyannis focuses on one saying that he got beaten up by the Turks.

Both from my links

"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              
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  Quote Spartakus Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:02
Resolution of the European Parliament on the situation in Cyprus (19/9/1996)The European Parliament,

- having regard to its previous resolutions on the situation in Cyprus and to its resolution of 12 July 1995 on Cyprus' application for membership of the European Union,

A. deeply shocked by the killings that took place in August
   during a peaceful demonstration for the reunification of the
   island, where two Greek Cypriots were killed and several
   wounded, including two UN peacekeepers, by the security forces
   of the Turkish-occupied part of Cyprus,

B. having regard to the so-called counter-demonstrations
   organised by the Turkish authorities with the active
   involvement and participation of elements belonging to the
   Turkish armed forces and the illegal occupying powers,

C. whereas a large contingent of extremist Turkish "Grey Wolves".
   armed with crowbars and spiked clubs, has been brought from
   Turkey in order to instigate a violent escalation of the so-
   called counter-demonstrations, thereby creating the false
   impression that peaceful coexistence  between Greek and
   Turkish Cypriots is impossible,

D. whereas, according to a statement by the Cypriot Government, a
   member of the Denktash regime has been identified as being
   apparently involved in the assassination of the Greek Cypriot
   Solomos Solomou,

E. whereas these tragic events have been denounced
   internationally and condemned by all governments and
   international organisations,

F. having regard to the urgent need for a fair and viable
   solution, based on international law and the UN resolutions on
   Cyprus, and in accordance with established Community Law,

1. Condemns the murders of the two young Greek Cypriots by the
   Turkish Army of occupation and members of the unlawful
   Denktash regime, and expresses its support for the families of
   the two victims,

2. Expresses deep concern at the indiscriminate use of violence
   by the Turkish occupying forces;

3. Condemns the fact that members of the Turkish extremist
   organisation "Grey Wolves" were brought from Turkey to Cyprus
   so that they could enter into conflict with unarmed
   demonstrators and takes the view that this policy is
   endangering peace and security in Cyprus;

4. Calls on Turkey to cooperate by taking all necessary measures
   to identify, arrest and bring to justice all those implicated
   in the murders and the decision to fire on unarmed civilians;

5. Calls on the United Nations to cooperage in seeking those
   responsible for these crimes;

6. Calls on the Council and Commission, as a matter of urgency,
   to intensify their joint action and joint endeavours to
   resolve the Cyprus problem in accordance with paragraph 19 of
   its abovementioned resolution;

7. Welcomes the decision of the Irish Presidency to maintain a
   special EU representative for the Cyprus problem; asks, in
   this respect, the Council to make every effort to coordinate
   the initiatives of the UN, British and US representatives in a
   joint and more effective action and invites the representative
   of the Council Presidency for Cyprus, Ambassador Kester
   Heaslip, to report also to Parliament on his visits to the
   region during the summer;

8. Supports the proposal of the Cyprus government for the
   demilitarisation of the island and asks Turkey to withdraw its
   occupation forces and abide by the UN resolutions on Cyprus;

9. Appeals to the government of Cyprus and the leadership of the
   Turkish-Cypriot community to continue to look for a peaceful
   and just solution to the Cyprus problem, along the lines of
   relevant UN Security Council resolutions;

10. Deplores the numerous incidents in the neutral zone which
    have caused several victims along both sides of the
    demarcation line;

11. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the
    Council, the Commission, the governments of the Member States
    and the governments and parliaments of Cyprus and Turkey and
    the united Nations.
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)
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  Quote aknc Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:03
A Mr. Moustakas, active member of EOKA-B, is interviewed. He says General Grivas was one of the great Greek soldiers, giving his all for union with the motherland. When the filmmaker challenges him that the present Greek government favors independence, the man replies that he ?can?t imagine a Greek government against Enosis.? If that should happen, he would not accept it.

Another citizen states that ?Any honest Greek Cypriot has to believe in Enosis. Having Greek blood, we must belong to Greece. Whatever government is in power, junta or democracy, royalist, left or whatever.?

"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              
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  Quote aknc Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:04
We move on to why Greek Cypriot forces did not try to repel the Turks. One soldier explains the officers abandoned them to be prisoners of war. The policeman who got shot says the junta was in collusion with the Turks..! Then the Americans are implicated. The politician Makarios is too afraid to venture his opinion, but Clerides says the Americans must have known about the planned coup, and therefore bear responsibility, as they had to have foreseen the Turkish reaction. People carry anti-Kissinger signs. Sampson is challenged on whether he was really a CIA agent, as Jack Anderson reported.
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              
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  Quote Spartakus Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:04
Kenan Akin:  "Solomos Solomou was a dog"

         Weekly AKTUEL (31.10.96 - 6.11.96) publishes the text of
an exclusive interview with Kenan Akin, so-called Minister of
Agriculture and Natural Resources.  Under the title, "I wish I was
there during the incident.  I could kill", the interview goes as
follows:

"Question: Were you there on the day of the incident?

Akin: In the morning I was there, at around 9:30 I left.

Question: Did you return after the incident?

Akin:  No.

Question: Did you see your picture published in the Greek Cypriot
press which was taken from television and enlarged?

Akin: Could have.  I was not there when the incident took place.
But I felt sorry for not being there.  I wish I was there.  I
could have pulled the trigger at least once.  I wish I was there,
definitely I was going to shoot.

Question: Don't you think that this is an issue to be tackled by
the security forces?  Apart from this, it is reportedly said that
in your election region you were saying that you have killed and
you took the responsibility.

Akin:  No... During the incident I was on a picnic near the beach
with my wife and my child.

Question: Do you have a gun?

Akin: Yes, but I do not carry it.

Question: Following the claims against you, is there any
investigation against you by your party, by the government or by
the legal organs?

Akin: The esteemed President asked me at one of our meetings.  I
told him I was on a picnic by the beach with my wife and my child.
There was no investigation within the party.  Only our general
chairman put a question at the party's general assembly.  He
should have been convinced of what I had said, so that he would
not have considered it necessary to establish a commission to open
an enquiry.

Question: Do you envisage making any attempt to clear your name of
these claims against you by opening an inquiry?

Akin: These are Greek Cypriot lies.  The other side are educating
their children with Turkish animosity.  You are never writing
this.  Why are you making the killing of a dog sound so
important?"
(MY)
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)
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  Quote aknc Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:05

The legality of Turkey?s action was upheld even by the Athens Court of Appeal in March 21, 1979. Unlike Michael Cacoyannis, this court lay the blame where it belonged: ?The true guilty ones were the Greek Officers, who organised the coup and thereby created the conditions for an intervention."

 

"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              
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  Quote aknc Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:05
At least one refugee says, ?May God strike those who started it! They brought ruin on us by rousing the Turks.?

Another: ?If it wasn?t for those fascists, no Turk would have set foot here.?

And, again, that?s the entire point. No army can expect its soldiers to behave in the most civil manner... sure, some of these country bumpkins with a rifle in their hands are all going to act responsibly. (A jarring reminder was shown in footage of American military boys in Iraq, thinking they were playing another video game, in FAHRENHEIT 9/11.) Therefore, to focus on the violence some have suffered is not the correct angle to pursue, unless one is interested in propaganda... and unless the effect is to demonstrate the criminal cases were meant as a matter of policy. Or maybe Michael Cacoyannis was trying to get his viewer to swallow the Turks were guilty of yet another genocide that the Turks have become so famous for.

"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              
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  Quote aknc Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:06
As the CYPRUS MAIL declared on October 27, 1995: ?So now the truth is out. We are not talking about 300 dead, or 45 dead, but 96 people killed during action in 1974.? This and other revelations in the Greek Cypriot press forced the Greek Cypriot administration to lower the number of missing people from 1,619 down to 1,493. Most of the Greeks who died did so at the hands of other Greeks, a fact that the West rarely focuses on... just like many of the Armenians who died (once their revolutionary groups organized, during the 35-plus years before 1915) did so at the hands of other Armenians. (During the three year stretch of 1904-07, two out of three Armenians killed died at the hands of Armenians.)
"I am the scourage of god appointed to chastise you,since no one knows the remedy for your iniquity exept me.You are wicked,but I am more wicked than you,so be silent!"
              
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  Quote Spartakus Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:18

 

 

Drug Money Laundering booming in Turkey and Turkish-Occupied Cyprus

By Orya Sultan Halisdemir / Turkish Daily News
Sat April 12, 1997

London- A BBC news report has named Turkey and the [illegal entity set by the Turkish occupation army called] "Turkish Republic of northern Cyprus (TRNC)" as major countries where British drug dealers' money is laundered. On its lunch time news program on Friday, the BBC 1 television channel claimed that 90 percent of heroin found in Britain came through Turkey. It alleged that the "TRNC" was the destination for many British drug dealers to launder their money. "The heroin manufactured either in or near the lawless fringe of eastern Turkey reaches Europe," the correspondent claimed.

"Northern Cyprus has more banks that its population needs. More than 60 banks for 80,000 people. Regulations are loose and supervision light for this green destination of shady money," a correspondent from the "TRNC" stated. Add in to this more than 30 casinos where money changes ownership illegally and quickly and it is a perfect combination for money laundering," he added. Customs officials are in no doubt that Cyprus is a destination for money laundering, the BBC correspondent claimed. "What we are seeing is couriers taking money out of this country in large quantities and taking it either to countries that are supplying heroin or to other countries such as Cyprus," Michael Newsom from Customs investigation told the reporter.

"The heroin coming through Turkey passes on into Europe and eventually to Britain. But when it comes to paying, Britain's drug dealers take their money to the more welcoming climate of northern Cyprus where it can be bandied around until its ownership is confused and then it could be taken to Turkey," the correspondent pointed out, adding that since the Turkish army entered Cyprus in 1974, Turkish Cypriots had been isolated from the entire world apart from Turkey. According to Turkish Cypriot authorities there is nothing wrong with their laws and nothing illegal happening in Cyprus itself, said the reporter. "If Britain wants changes then it must produce hard evidence of criminal activities," he quoted the Turkish Cypriots as saying.

"The "TRNC Foreign Minister" Taner Etjin says that northern Cyprus, in order to strengthen its economy, needs to develop every legitimate business it can," the BBC journalist said. We have night clubs, casinos. We cannot support money laundering actions here. But casinos are there," Etjin said in an interview with the reporter. The Greek south has some of the problems but it is the north's closeness to Turkey that makes it a good place for Britain's drug dealers to do business," the BBC concluded its report.

"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)
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  Quote Spartakus Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:22
Originally posted by aknc

Think a little will you?I will say once more;ordinary civilians cannot access to secret government policies or plans
How can you be so certain that i am a civilian or that my sources are civilian? 
"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)
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  Quote Spartakus Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:33
                                                               

Senator Biden: "Unambiguous position of the United States is Turkey is illegally occupying Cyprus, period. "

Federal News Service, SEPTEMBER 23, 1997

HEARING OF THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS

OF THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE, PANEL TWO AMBASSADORIAL NOMINATIONS TO GREECE AND TURKEY

CHAIRED BY: SENATOR GORDON SMITH (R-OR)

R. NICHOLAS BURNS, FORMER SPOKESMAN, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, NOMINEE AS U.S. AMBASSADOR TO GREECE

MARK PARRIS, NOMINEE AS U.S. AMBASSADOR TO TURKEY

419 DIRKSEN SENATE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON, DC

[...]

SEN. PAUL SARBANES (D-MD): Well, Mr. Chairman, as I indicated in my comments before the previous panel, these are both highly trained and experienced professionals who have come up through our Foreign Service, and I think they're appropriate nominees for these two important positions.

I'd just like to say to Mr. Parris, what can be done to encourage Turkish policy-makers to appreciate that the just resolution of the Cyprus issue, an improved democratic rights situation in Turkey, and sort of carrying out the Madrid principles would really result in, I think, improved, better relations with the United States and, indeed, with the European Community.

I mean, I'm not -- I've always puzzled why that -- I have the sense it's not fully appreciated the impact that would have. and I wonder whether you share that puzzlement and what might be done about it.

MR. PARRIS: It's an excellent question, Senator, and I know that you've spent a lot of time wrestling with it over the course of your career, and I look forward to the opportunity to discuss with you at the appropriate time -- I'd hoped we'd be able to do it, actually, before this hearing -- how we might together, with other members of the administration's team, get a better handle on the sets of issues that you've raised. You've put your finger on all of the most important ones, of course.

And two ways to approach that question. One would be to get into a lot of detail -- and if you'd like, I'm prepared to get into as much detail as you'd like on the individual --

SEN. SARBANES: No. Why don't I just leave the question with you. But I think when Senator Lugar spoke about opportunities, I think that's true. But as you look at it, you have this constant concern about missed opportunities.

MR. PARRIS: Well, I do --

SEN. SARBANES: And the resolution of these matters, all of which would seem to enhance and further Turkey's interests as you look at them over the long run, and yet those things are not happening. It's a puzzle.

MR. PARRIS: Well, I think the beginning of the -- of a solution -- this isn't an original thought; it's certainly been part of the philosophy I believe that U.S. leaders have brought to prior discussions with their Turkish counterparts over the course of the past several years and beyond -- I believe there's a willingness to speak frankly and to do everything that we can to ensure the Turkish leadership of the depth of feeling of the American people on many of the issues that you referred to and to do the best that we can to help Turkey understand our perception of how movement in each of the areas that you mentioned will work to the advantage of Turkey's interest, because I firmly believe -- and this is something that my predecessor, Marc Grossman, has said before this committee and often in public -- that Turkish practices in some of the areas that you've mentioned, the way they approach certain issues in the multilateral context, will be done out of a sense that it is in Turkey's interest to do so. Our task is to help them to reach that conclusion. I think that there are a variety of ways that we can do that. I'll be part of that. I look forward to being part of that.

The kinds of high-level meetings that have taken place over the past several years involving Secretary Albright, including the one taking place this week in New York, I think, are critical opportunities for us to use.

And I think that, if I may suggest that the more often that senior congressional leaders visit the area, visit Turkey, visit Greece, the better we will be able to directly expose (some ?) of our Turkish friends and counterparts to the benefit of people who have thought about these things a lot, have an exquisite feel for how the American people feel about these things. I have in my previous assignments found that to be an extremely useful instrument for conveying our views and moving the ball forward in these kinds of areas.

Again, I look forward to discussing in more detail the specifics. As a philosophical approach, this is where I would come from.

SEN. SARBANES: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I wish both of these nominees well in their important assignments.

SEN. BIDEN: Mr. Chairman, there's a lot of questions, and I guess we should follow the admonition of Senator Lugar not to diminish their diplomatic potential by having them go on record with too much here.

But one of the things -- to follow on what Senator Sarbanes said -- that puzzles me is that -- is Turkey's sense of isolation a product of -- and the reaction toit, a product of an actual feeling of isolation, or are they in fact -- it's because of their conduct?

I mean -- how I can say it another way? Let me be specific.

The deputy foreign minister Ecevit has emerged as the primary foreign policy spokesperson. And he was the same fellow who was the prime minister was Cyprus was invaded in 1974.

And as I understand, from what I've read and been told, he remains very proud of, quote, "that accomplishment" which I don't know why he would be.

And now, he -- and then the first thing he does is -- not first thing, but in July he issued that Joint Declaration with Denktash saying that -- calling for the partial integration of a "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus," which no one recognizes.

And it was portrayed as a response -- it was characterized by many as a response to the European Union's official announcement that it will begin membership accession talks with Cyprus. Now, since then, there has been a decision by -- an agreement by Clerides and Denktash to discuss security issues on the island. Can you -- it's like a Rubric's cube here to me.

I mean, what's the game? Or is it a game? Is it a response to their rejection by the European Community in many different ways, both what they consider to be ethnic slights, as well as substantive impact of -- do you have a sense of that? I'm not asking you to getin the middle of Greece and Turkey, although I think you should be. I mean, there is no middle, I think. But any rate, what do you think is afoot here?

MR. PARRIS: Well, I think -- I think even in terms of the way you posed the question, Senator, when you look at motives, when you look at the history, it goes back not just to '74 but much longer, this is a very complex question.

And you know, I think it would not be useful for me to try to speculate about, you know, what, at any particular point in this drama, motives of individuals or even governments may have been. I think what I need to assure you of, and I think what the president's actions and the things that this administration has done in recent months makes clear, is that getting to the core of the Cyprus question is a major U.S. foreign-policy priority. We've shown that in the personnel we've put on the job. We've shown that in the kind of attention that it's received at the highest levels of the administration. I'd like to think to some degree it's reflected in the kinds of people that we're sending to Athens and Greece.

I think that that message has been received in Ankara. They have supported strongly Mr. Holbrooke's nomination, a person that they trust and that they worked with in the past. And I think that, while our efforts are getting under way, and while the U.N. and the European Union are working to try to exploit the possible opportunity that exists to resolve this problem, clearly there is no place for statements or actions by any parties to make that job more difficult.

SEN. BIDEN: Well, Mr. Chairman, I don't want to delay this.

But let me just say I hope neither one of you suffer from this bizarre notion of evenhandedness. And let me explain what I mean by that.

"Evenhanded" means to be fair. And it is our policy -- has been our policy -- that the invasion of Cyprus was a violation of international law.

So the idea that we have to tread lightly, or should tread lightly, in Ankara or in Athens on whether or not Turkey's troops should be in Cyprus is not evenhanded; it's perverse -- perverse.

Our policy is, "It was illegal."

So I hope we'll be evenhanded in carrying out our policy, which is to say that, "You have no right to have forces on Cyprus. "

Now, that does not solve the problem, but I hope we won't dance around what seems to have emerged occasionally, not with either or you, gentlemen, but over the last 20 years or so, which is that evenhandedness means now: "Well, the status quo is the status quo, and we should not rock the status quo. We have to be evenhanded. Only if either party wants to deal with it will we."

It's a little bit like -- if I'll conclude, Mr. Chairman, by saying, it's a little bit like saying "being evenhanded in the Balkans." We should be evenhanded on the Dayton accords that we signed. Anybody who doesn't uphold the Dayton accords ain't our friend; whether it's a Croat, a Serb or a Moslem.

Anybody who doesn't agree with our policy that it was an illegal invasion of a country does not warrant us saying, "But we think you're just as good as the other guy." They are the transgressor.

And I sometimes worry that we, as a nation, although I want to have a relationship with Turkey -- they're a very valuable ally, and they're everything Senator Lugar and everyone else said -- to be evenhanded is to be evenhanded with a friend:

"Hey, friend, you screwed up. You violated international law. You're wrong."

And I just hope -- because what happens is a lot of signals get sent by your diplomatic, and your predecessor's diplomatic language. And I hope there's nothing that is unambiguous about -- there's nothing unambiguous. And you've made a necessary living, like we have tried to up here, Mr. Burns, at communicating ideas and notions.

Unambiguous position of the United States is Turkey is illegally occupying Cyprus, period. Beginning, middle, end.

Doesn't mean we don't have a relationship with Turkey. Doesn't mean they're not part of NATO. Doesn't mean we wouldn't try to work it out. But I hope no one is ever ambiguous about that.

[...]

"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)
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  Quote Spartakus Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 15:37

And to currently end,the conflict between the 2 communities was provoked mainly by the British empire.

"There are worse crimes than burning books. One of them is not reading them. "
--- Joseph Alexandrovitch Brodsky, 1991, Russian-American poet, b. St. Petersburg and exiled 1972 (1940-1996)
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  Quote iskenderani Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 16:01

To, Aku , Seko , Oguz and the rest of Turkish forumers..

So , the situation is this.

From one hand we have the Turkish propaganda...And from the other we have UN resolutions , EU resolutions , and every OFFICIAL organization of the entire world , condemning Turkey , Turks and their actions.

The facts are :1) Turkey did not interfered in Cyprus to re-establish democracy , law and order. Turkey , invaded Cyprus , dividing a sovereign nation member of UN and it is still occupying the land.

2) Turkey , as usual , started an ethnic cleansing , not only of humans ( Greeks ) , but also on anything that was Greek . Churches , cemeteries , names of villages , everything .This is AGAINST the INTERNATIONAL LAW....

So , if u want to keep on playing the role of the victim , as Tanner Aksam , points out , and keep posting propaganda , there will be no result as u probably understand..

The ball is in ur court....

Isk.

P.S....and as i said ......Aku , can u post anything on Turkish atrocities ??

Isk.

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  Quote Guests Quote  Post ReplyReply Direct Link To This Post Posted: 10-Apr-2005 at 16:22

Turkey changed the Cyprus villages names? Well, you should call it "renaming", because these villages arent born neither Greek or Turkish. Greeks had some villages, Turks had some villages, and in most of the villages they lived together in peace until some hateful Greek comitted mass human murderings. So Dont wait the Turkish villagers call it "....okopulis" because Greeks called the same village that way.

Also, I couldnt understand your point when you wrote some city names like "Malatya", because their names are neither Greek nor Turkish originated. Byzanthines called these cities with their Greek names, and now Turks are calling these cities with their Turkish names.

The UN and EU resolutions arent non-sided proofs. If you really respect to UN resolutions, you can show it by "accepting UN solutions of Annan". Turkish Cypriots showed it bravely with their votes.

All you wrote about is a bunch of non-sense recources from European and Greek sites. Turkey has the right to keep its soldiers in Cyprus, in order to protect Turkish civilians human rights, until their lives are garantied, and Greek threat is finished.

How can you believe that Turkey could only divided Cyprus to own a valuable and strategic point in Eastern Medetarrinnean? Would the huge world powers like US, Russia, and Europe let an economically and politically more inferior country like Turkey to commit it? No. Do yu know why couldnt they use any ambargo, sanction or military power on Turkey? Because they knew how Turkish Cypriots were massacred by Makarios reggime, and they also knew that they couldnt stop Turkey from protecting its own nation.

Did You Know ...

That Cyprus is only 40 miles from the southern coast of Turkey, but 600 miles from mainland Greece?

That Turkish Cypriots have lived in Cyprus for over 400 years?

That Cyprus was never a "Hellenic island," but was in fact a Turkish island for nearly 350 years up until 1914?

That Cyprus became an independent state in 1960, under a Constitution that provided for a bi-communal government with shared and equal political status for both the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots?

That the parties in Cyprus and the governments of the United Kingdom, Greece, and Turkey ratified a Treaty of Guarantee in 1960 that also provided for the security of Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriots?

That the conflict in Cyprus began in 1963, when the then-president of the republic, Archbishop Makarios III launched an all-out attack on the Turkish Cypriot population, unilaterally dismissed all Turkish Cypriot officials from the government and declared the constitution "dead and buried".

That the inter-communal violence in Cyprus was a veritable ethnic-cleansing campaign and was directed against the Turkish Cypriot community, forcing Turkish Cypriots into ghetto-like enclaves on 3% of the island?

That the violence in Cyprus prompted the introduction of a United Nations peacekeeping force (UNFICYP) in March 1964, which is still in place?

That the U.S. special envoy during the 1963-64 Cypriot crisis, Under Secretary of State George W. Ball, stated in his memoirs that "Makarios' central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so that he and his Greek Cypriots could go on ... massacring Turkish Cypriots"?

That the present division of Cyprus has its origins in that violence culminating in the coup d'etat against Archbishop Makarios and his government on July 15, 1974, which was carried out with the active support of the then-government in Greece?

That entire Turkish Cypriot villages were razed and their inhabitants slaughtered by Greek Cypriots in the days following the coup d'etat?

That, under the Treaty of Guarantee of 1960, these developments required collective or individual intervention by the governments of the United Kingdom, Greece, and Turkey?

That Turkey addressed the issue of intervention with the United Kingdom, but when the U.K. did not take action Turkey was compelled to intervene on its own, on July 20, 1974, to stop the bloodshed and provide for the safety of Turkish Cypriots?

That Turkey's decision to intervene in Cyprus, under Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee of 1960, was endorsed by a resolution #573 adopted on July 29, 1974 by the Council of Europe's Standing Committee of the Consultative Assembly?

That an "Exchange of Populations Agreement," providing for the voluntary relocation of population groups, was concluded by the official representatives of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot sides (Messrs. Denkta_ and Clerides) on August 2, 1975, and was implemented by UNFICYP?

That the Turkish intervention in Cyprus effectively ended the ethnic-cleansing and inter-communal violence which, between December 1963 and July 1974, had taken the lives of thousands of Turkish Cypriots?

That the Turkish Cypriot people desire only a new partnership and equal political status between the two sides?

That, despite Greek Cypriot allegations of "intransigence," it is the Turkish Cypriot side that has initiated, accepted, or supported numerous initiatives for a settlement --- in 1972, 1977, 1979, 1985-86, 1992, 1993-94, and at this very moment?

That the parties in Cyprus came close to a settlement in 1992, through the "set of ideas" proposed by the then United Nations Secretary-General, which were in major part approved by the Turkish Cypriots but ultimately rejected by the Greek Cypriots once their membership bid for the European Union began moving forward?

That, 39 years after its Constitutionally-guaranteed political status was unilaterally and illegally revoked, the Turkish Cypriots still suffer under unjust discrimination, in the form of an all-out economic, political and cultural embargo?

That confidence is undermined and progress toward a settlement in Cyprus is compromised by the determination to make Cyprus a Greek-dominated island, by the continuing embargo of Turkish Cypriots, and by threats from Athens to block the European Union enlargement process if "Cyprus" is not admitted?
A Quotation to Ponder
"Both before and after the events of December 1963, the Makarios government continued to advocate the cause of ENOSIS [political union with Greece] and actively pursued the amendment of the Constitution and the related treaties to facilitate this ultimate objective...There is little doubt that much of the violence which the Turkish Cypriots claim led to the total or partial destruction of 103 Turkish villages and the displacement of about a quarter of the total Turkish Cypriot population was either directly inspired or certainly connived at by the Greek Cypriot leadership."

Select Committee on Foreign Affairs, British House of Commons
Unanimous report, June 2, 1987

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