16th Turkish General Election, 2007

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   Now we have to hear how wonderful the AKP is for the next five years? I don't think so. I think a few of you can't see the forest for the trees (An expression used of someone who is too involved in the details of a problem to look at the situation as a whole). 
Let's see what has changed since the AKP stronghold on the public. 

- By equating Imam Hatip degrees with high-school degrees, he, Erdogan, enabled Islamist students to enter university and qualify for government jobs without ever mastering Western fundamentals. He also sought to bypass checks and balances. After the Higher Education Board composed of university rectors rejected his demands to make universities more welcoming of political Islam, the AKP-dominated parliament proposed to establish 15 new universities. While Mr. Erdogan told diplomats his goal was to promote education, Turkish academics say the move would enable him to handpick rectors and swamp the board with political henchmen.

- Mr. Erdogan has replaced nearly every member of the banking regulatory board with officials from the Islamic banking sector. Accusations of Saudi capital subsidizing AKP are rampant. According to Turkish Central Bank statistics, in the first six months of this year, the net error -- money entering the Turkish economy for which regulators cannot account -- has increased almost eightfold compared to 2002, the year the AKP came to power. According to the opposition parliamentary bloc, debt amassed under Mr. Erdogan's administration is equal to total debt accrued in Turkey between 1970 and 2000.

- Turkish Airlines recently surveyed employees about their attitudes toward the Quran. On July 11, Mr. Erdogan publicly vouched for the sincerity of Yasin al-Qadi, a Saudi financier identified by both the U.N. and U.S. Treasury Department as an al Qaeda financier.

Most of you have already touched upon the agricultural crisis.

A bit of history on the insidious Erdogan:

The Turkish Republic is founded on the notion of the separation of mosque and state.

"We will turn all our schools into İmam Hatips [religious schools]"�Cumhuriyet, Sept. 9, 1994 
"Thank God Almighty, I am a servant of the Shari�a."� Milliyet, Nov. 21, 1994 
"I am the imam of Istanbul."�H�rriyet, Jan. 8, 1995 
"The police operations against the turban are comical."�Sabah, May 5, 1995 
"I support the proposal to inaugurate the parliament by reciting the Qu'ran."�Milliyet, Jan. 8, 1996
Mustafa Kemal Atat�rk is the father of modern Turkey and the symbol of Turkish secularism.

"One ought not to stand [in respect, stiff] like a straw on Atat�rk's commemoration events."�H�rriyet, May 12, 1994 
"There was much ado about nothing on November 10 [the commemoration of Atat�rk's death]�H�rriyet, Nov. 14, 1994
Turkish governments traditionally pride themselves on their embrace of and participation in European culture.

"I am against the [Western] New Year's celebrations."�Sabah, Dec. 19, 1994 
"Alcohol should be banned."�H�rriyet, May 1, 1996 
"Swimsuit commercials are lustful exploitations."� H�rriyet, Mar. 6, 1996
More concerns. Green money:
Investment is healthy and should be welcome. The problem, which Turkish commentators refer to as Yeşil Sermaye ("Green Money"), is the opacity of Islamic investment. While Turkish politicians, journalists, and even banking officials acknowledge the influx of capital, it remains largely in the informal economy, subsidizing party coffers, slush funds, and perhaps political allies. The opacity--and the fact that the money appears linked to AKP stewardship--also raises questions about conditionality: is investment in Turkey contingent upon AKP efforts to draw the country away from its Western orientation and more into the Islamic sphere? http://www.meforum.org/article/1637

Erdoğan has placed Islamist bankers in key economic positions.

Not all money enters the economy legally. According to Ilhan Kesici, a former under secretary at the State Planning Organization, much enters "in suitcases" and remains outside regulation.[9] Under the AKP administration, the unofficial economy has grown exponentially. In Erdoğan's first year of stewardship, the net error in balance of payments rose from $118 million to $4.9 billion. As the AKP approaches elections, the influx of unexplained cash has again approached record levels,[10] raising the possibility that the AKP is using outside capital both to buy popularity and to stave off recession prior to elections. Green Money which now circulates in Turkey surpasses $13 billion,[11] more than the annual gross domestic product of Estonia, Bosnia, Bahrain, Jordan, and Azerbaijan.[12]
AKP officials dismiss speculation about their involvement with Green Money. They counter that persistent net error in balance of payments during their administration derives from private remittances from Germany, where two-thirds of expatriate Turkish workers reside. This explanation is inadequate. Remittances from Turkish workers peaked at $5 billion in 1998 but declined to less than $1 billion in 2004 after a prominent holding company's collapse and subsequent judicial lien.[13]
Central Bank statistics may be only the tip of the iceberg, as it is possible that the AKP has influenced data collection. Take compilation of tourism revenue, for example. Ankara bases its statistics upon visitor exit interviews. Kesici believes that selective sampling might enable a $2 billion overestimation of tourism revenue, mitigating what would otherwise be an even greater spike in net error.[14]

Corruption has eroded the AKP's support since its March 2004 peak. In the U.S. government, even midlevel employees must declare their assets. Leading politicians often make their tax returns accessible to journalists. In Turkey, prime ministers do the same; but Erdoğan initially refused, saying his wealth was his own and not a matter of public concern.[39]
When Erdoğan eventually relented, his declaration showed he was a multimillionaire. This raised further and, as yet, unresolved questions. Court documents show him to have only $330,000 in assets prior to assuming the premiership. He has not explained the source of his wealth. His accounting was also problematic. His declaration neither itemized his assets nor did it include gifts or property registered under others' names.[40] There remain questions, for example, about the arrangements under which Erdoğan occupies a house in Ankara and a multimillion dollar villa in Istanbul. The latter appears to be provided by Erdoğan's brother, whose own wealth has grown in proportion to Erdoğan's career. The two have a curious financial relationship. Prior to assuming the premiership, Erdoğan transferred shares of companies in which he had interest to his brother's stewardship. Such stocks did not appear among Erdoğan's assets, although he appears to benefit from them. Erdoğan failed to vacate all interests upon taking office. He remained a major shareholder in three major companies, all of which did business with or distribution for the confectionary giant �lker, a company which enjoyed close ties to the Refah government and also purchased Faisal Finans. �lker has thrived under Erdoğan. Only a sustained press outcry forced Erdoğan to announce divestment of shares.
More:

While AKP corruption might normally be more a matter for the Turkish electorate than a U.S. concern, AKP impropriety has impacted U.S. national security. Cuneyd Zapsu, Erdoğan's chief advisor, has donated money to Yasin al-Qadi, a Saudi businessman identified by both the U.S. Treasury Department and the United Nations as an al Qaeda financier.[45] While Zapsu initially denied the charges--and even threatened to sue those repeating them[46]--Council of Financial Crime Investigations files leaked to the press confirmed that Zapsu had donated $60,000 to a foundation run by al-Qadi in 1997. Two years later his mother transferred another $250,000.[47] 

Maybe these suspicions are just that. Nothing more than coffee talk. Maybe the fact of the matter is that Turkey has become so entangled in the AKP web that even the once protective state and military is ridiculed for sticking up for secularist rights. In the mean time day to day activities take precedance over future stability. Therefore it really is hard to see the forest for the trees.

PS- Why did the AKP win with 46.7% of the vote?

Status Quo - "It's the Economy Stupid!" Let the good times roll

Weak Opposition - So many holes in the opposition that good 'ol patriots settled for CHP. Nothing to brag about either.

Erdogan the snake charmer - As astute as Putin, slick as Willie and rich as a Saudi oil tzar.

The 'Baba'factor - The Military ain't the stubborn bully it used to be. Not with EU demands and such. Plus what general has the street smarts to go one on one with Kasimpasa Tayyip?

There are more yet I'll expect you guys to dig some up.

Edited by Seko - 24-Jul-2007 at 09:41